Resoconto integrale delle discussioni

Mercoledì 4 maggio 2022 - Strasburgo

4. Conseguenze sociali ed economiche per l'UE della guerra russa in Ucraina - rafforzare la capacità di agire dell'UE (discussione)

  President. – The next item is the debate on the Council and Commission statements on the social and economic consequences for the European Union of the Russian war in Ukraine – reinforcing the European Union’s capacity to act (2022/2653(RSP)).

  Brigitte Klinkert, présidente en exercice du Conseil. – Madame la Présidente du Parlement européen, Madame la Présidente de la Commission européenne, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, l’Agence des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés estime que plus de 5 millions de civils ukrainiens auraient déjà fui leur pays dès l’agression militaire par la Russie.

Lors de la dernière réunion informelle de Versailles, les chefs d’État ou de gouvernement européens ont fermement condamné l’agression militaire injustifiée et non provoquée de la Russie contre l’Ukraine et ont affirmé que l’Union et ses États membres continueront à fournir un soutien politique, financier, matériel et humanitaire coordonné. Unis et solidaires, les États membres se sont engagés dans un effort conséquent afin d’accueillir des millions de réfugiés. Au-delà de la crise humanitaire, ce conflit a inévitablement ralenti la phase de reprise post-COVID-19. Des réactions nationales et européennes, coordonnées et inédites ont permis d’en atténuer les effets socio-économiques, mais des enjeux majeurs restent devant nous.

S’il est certain que cette vague de réfugiés aura des conséquences budgétaires encore difficiles à chiffrer pour l’Union européenne et les États membres, en particulier les États limitrophes à l’Ukraine, cela peut représenter également une opportunité pour l’Union européenne, si les réfugiés souhaitent s’intégrer durablement au marché du travail dans les pays d’accueil. La révision du règlement CARE (action de cohésion pour les réfugiés en Europe), texte adopté début avril, permet de mobiliser divers fonds européens pour financer des mesures en faveur des réfugiés ukrainiens. À titre d’exemple, ces fonds permettent d’investir dans l’éducation, l’emploi, le logement, la santé, les services de garde d’enfants et aussi dans l’assistance matérielle de base.

En outre, le 4 mars, le Conseil a adopté à l’unanimité une décision d’exécution permettant d’instaurer une protection temporaire aux personnes fuyant la guerre en Ukraine et offrant ainsi des droits harmonisés dans toute l’Union, tout en garantissant un équilibre des efforts entre les différents États membres. Il s’agit ici du droit de vivre et de travailler dans l’Union, mais aussi d’avoir accès aux prestations sociales. Certains États membres octroient même un soutien financier aux réfugiés dès leur arrivée.

Afin de soutenir l’intégration, les enfants en âge scolaire ont accès aux systèmes d’éducation nationaux. Les adultes bénéficient de parcours de formation et d’intégration dans le marché du travail, avec l’implication active des services publics à l’emploi et les partenaires sociaux.

En termes économiques, l’agression russe contre l’Ukraine, les sanctions et les contre-mesures, leur impact sur les chaînes de transport et de valeur et le découplage de la Russie du commerce international affecteront vraisemblablement aussi l’économie européenne, déjà affaiblie par la crise de la COVID-19, et ce de manière durable. Le conflit a fait flamber les prix et entravé la fourniture des matières premières comme le blé, les céréales ou l’énergie. L’inflation croissante en Europe impacte nos ménages et nos entreprises. La sécurité et l’approvisionnement énergétique ainsi que la lutte contre certaines pénuries sont devenus une priorité.

Les dirigeants européens à Versailles ont convenu de réduire la dépendance des États membres à l’égard des importations de gaz, de pétrole et de charbon russes, ainsi que leur dépendance à l’égard des combustibles fossiles. Pour se libérer de l’emprise de Gazprom, gérer la hausse des prix de l’énergie et sécuriser les chaînes d’approvisionnement, l’Europe doit diversifier l’offre, accélérer la production d’énergie verte, acheter conjointement les énergies et réduire la demande, tout cela en préservant la compétitivité mondiale à long terme des entreprises de l’Union européenne, qui subissent les coûts élevés de l’énergie.

Réduire les dépenses stratégiques de l’Europe passe par l’accélération de certains processus, comme les transitions verte et numérique. Sous la présidence française, le Conseil est à pied d’œuvre pour assurer l’approvisionnement de gaz l’hiver prochain. Dans ce contexte, il est primordial de maintenir une solidarité européenne forte et de respecter les sanctions que nous avons fixées. Je salue aussi la Commission qui présentera le plan REpowerEU, le 18 mai prochain, pour réduire notre dépendance énergétique vis-à-vis de la Russie à travers une action européenne conjointe en faveur d’une énergie plus abordable, plus sûre et plus durable.

Nous sommes à un tournant historique pour notre transition et notre autonomie énergétiques. La transition verte apportera de nouvelles opportunités en termes d’emplois, tout en nous sortant à long terme de cette dépendance énergétique qui nous grève. Il est aussi clair que ces impacts sociaux et distributifs à court terme, notamment sur les plus vulnérables, doivent être réexaminés à la lumière de la situation actuelle et de son évolution. En l’état actuel, cette transition est notre seule option viable. Nous devons donc accélérer le mouvement sur l’efficacité énergétique, sur les renouvelables et sur l’hydrogène. La pauvreté énergétique touche aujourd’hui près de 34 millions de personnes dans l’Union. Environ une personne sur cinq, dont le revenu est inférieur au seuil de pauvreté, déclare ne pas être en mesure de chauffer correctement son logement.

Comme annoncé dans le paquet «Ajustement à l’objectif 55» et en vue d’assurer une transition équitable vers la neutralité climatique, la Commission a proposé d’examiner les aspects sociaux et liés à l’emploi pertinents de la transition verte. Sous la présidence française, le Conseil s’est engagé dans des discussions en vue de l’adoption finale de la proposition de recommandations visant à assurer une transition équitable vers la neutralité climatique, qui s’attaque à la pauvreté énergétique et vise à favoriser l’accès des individus aux services énergétiques essentiels. Cette proposition promeut un monitorage accru de la mise en œuvre des politiques de transition équitable, en particulier des retombées sur les groupes les plus défavorisés et du risque de pauvreté énergétique. Certains États membres ont par ailleurs déjà favorisé l’accès à l’énergie en tant que services essentiels pour les groupes les plus vulnérables, conformément au principe 20 du socle européen des droits sociaux.

Le Conseil continuera d’agir de manière décisive pour lutter contre les effets néfastes du conflit sur nos économies et nos sociétés, tout en garantissant un effort commun et solidaire entre les États membres. Notre priorité reste la protection et la consolidation de notre modèle économique et social en veillant à ce que personne ne soit délaissé.

  Ursula von der Leyen, President of the Commission. – Madam President, next week we will mark Europe Day. It is the 72nd birthday of our Union and on this Europe Day we will, of course, talk about the future of our Union – how we make it stronger, more resilient, closer to the people.

But the answer to all these questions, we cannot give alone in these days. The answer is also given in Ukraine. It is given in Kharkiv, where Ukrainian first responders venture into the combat zone to help those wounded by Russian attacks. It is given in the small town of Bucha, where survivors are coping with the atrocities committed against civilians by Russian soldiers. And it is given these days in Mariupol, where Ukrainians are resisting a Russian force, which greatly outnumbers them. Because they are fighting to reaffirm basic ideas: that they are the master of their future and not a foreign leader, that it is the international law that counts and not the right of might. And that Putin must pay a high price for his brutal aggression.

Thus, the future of our European Union is also written in Ukraine. And therefore, today I would like to speak about two topics. First about sanctions and second about relief and reconstruction for Ukraine. Today, we are presenting our sixth package of sanctions. First, we are listing high-ranking military officers and individuals who committed war crimes in Bucha and those who are responsible for the inhuman siege of the city of Mariupol. This sends another important signal to all perpetrators of the Kremlin. We know who you are. We will hold you accountable. You’re not getting away with this.

Second, we finally de-SWIFT Sberbank – Sberbank is the largest Russian bank and it holds around 37% of the whole banking sector – and we will also de-SWIFT two other major banks in Russia. By that, we hit banks that are systemically critical to the Russian financial system and Putin’s ability to wage destruction. This will solidify the complete isolation of the Russian financial sector from the global system.

Third, we are banning three big Russian state-owned broadcasters from our airwaves. They will not be allowed to distribute their content any more in the European Union, in whatever shape or form, be it on cable, via satellite, on the internet or via smartphone apps. We have identified these TV channels as mouthpieces that amplify Putin’s lies and propaganda aggressively. We should not give them a stage anymore to spread these lies.

Fourth, the Kremlin relies on accountants, consultants and spin doctors from Europe, and this will now stop. We are banning those services from being provided to Russian companies.

My final point – number five – is sanctions on oil. When the leaders met in Versailles, they agreed to phase out our dependency on Russian fossil fuels. In the last sanction package, as you know, we started with coal. Today, we are addressing our dependency on Russian oil. Let’s be clear: it will not be easy because some Member States are strongly dependent on Russian oil. But we simply have to do it.

So today we will propose to ban all Russian oil from Europe. This will be a complete import ban on all Russian oil: seaborne and pipeline, crude and refined. We will make sure that we phase out Russian oil in an orderly fashion, so in a way that allows us and our partners to secure alternative supply routes and, at the same time, be very careful that we minimise the impact on the global market. This is why we will phase out Russian supply of crude oil within six months and refined products by the end of the year. Thus, we maximise the pressure on Russia, while at the same time – and this is important – we minimise the collateral damage to us and our partners around the globe, because to help Ukraine we have to make sure that our economy remains strong.

Honourable Members, with all these steps, we are depriving the Russian economy of its ability to diversify and modernise. Putin wanted to wipe out Ukraine from the map and he will clearly not succeed. On the contrary: Ukraine has risen in bravery and in unity, and it is his own country, Russia, that Putin is sinking.

We want Ukraine to win this war, but we also want to set the conditions for Ukraine’s success in the aftermath of the war. This is my second point: relief and reconstruction. The first step is immediate relief. This is about short—term economic support to help Ukrainians cope with the fall-out of the war. We have done a lot already. Let me remind you of our macro—financial assistance package or the direct support to the Ukrainian budget. In addition, we recently proposed to suspend all import duties on Ukrainian exports to our Union for one year. I am sure that the European Parliament will put its weight behind this idea and this proposal.

But we all know this is not enough for the short-term relief. Ukraine’s GDP is expected to fall by 35% to 50% this year alone and the IMF estimates that, from May on, Ukraine needs EUR 5 billion per month, plainly and simply to keep the country running, so to pay pensions and salaries, and to provide for basic services. We have to support them, but I also know that we cannot do this alone, so I very much welcome that the United States has announced massive budgetary support, and we, as Team Europe, have to do our share too.

But then, in a second phase, there is the wider reconstruction effort, and you all know that the scale of the destruction is staggering. Hospitals and schools, houses, roads, bridges, railways, theatres, factories – you just name it – so much has to be rebuilt. Of course, in the fog of war, it is difficult to come up with a precise estimate, but economists are talking about several hundred billion euros. And here, honourable Members, I think Europe has a very special responsibility towards Ukraine.

With our support – and of course with the help of the international financial institutions and other global partners – Ukraine can rebuild their country for the next generation. This is why today I propose to you that we start working on an ambitious recovery package for our Ukrainian friends.

If we do it right, this package should bring massive investments to meet the needs and the necessary reforms in parallel. So it should address the existing weaknesses of the Ukrainian economy and lay the foundation for sustainable long-term growth. It could set a system of milestones and targets to make sure that the European money truly delivers for the people of Ukraine and is spent in accordance with European rules. It could help fight corruption; we have to do that. It could align the legal environment with European standards and radically upgrade Ukraine’s productive capacity.

This will bring the stability and the certainty that is needed to make Ukraine an attractive destination for foreign direct investment. And eventually, honourable Members, it will pave the way for Ukraine’s future inside the European Union.

Slava Ukraini. Long live Europe.

  Esther de Lange, namens de PPE-Fractie. – Voorzitter, het is vandaag 4 mei en in Nederland betekent dat dat wij om acht uur vanavond allemaal even stilstaan. Twee minuten staat het land stil en zwijgt om de doden te herdenken uit de Tweede Wereldoorlog en allen die daarna gestorven zijn tijdens operaties en vredesmissies wereldwijd. En op een dag als vandaag voelt het daarom een beetje vreemd aan om in dit debat – de titel zegt het al – te spreken over de economische consequenties van de oorlog hier in Europa. Het is opnieuw oorlog op ons continent en de consequenties hier in de EU vallen natuurlijk absoluut in het niet bij datgene wat er gebeurt in Oekraïne.

And of course our main focus is and should remain not on the economic consequences here but on the consequences in Ukraine and how to help them against Putin’s barbaric war. And this is why I am very grateful to the Commission that they will announce their sixth sanctions package today, and for the words that the Commission has spoken about the reconstruction and the help to Ukraine.

But that being said, we should also talk about the socio—economic consequences here and our capacity to act, because as a European Union, unity is our strongest weapon against this war. And if we want to sustain this unity, we also need to address the consequences here.

For the EPP, we badly need an analysis of the cumulative effects of the war: the rising energy prices, the shortages in raw materials, new legislation on the table, the impact that has on companies and on citizens within the EU. We need to address the consequences also on families, some of them not even turning on their heating because they can no longer do so. And this is why, of course, we are working to address these consequences in the fund that is proposed.

And finally, we need to work to address the consequences on companies and on industries. And for the EPP, that means a diversification strategy for raw materials, I think, which is badly needed. The necessary investment for the roll-out of renewable energy.

And finally, let’s be very honest, we are asking a lot from our industries, and don’t get me wrong: the EPP wants to achieve the objectives of the Fit for 55 package and the climate law, but we may have to look at a legislative embargo for new legislation to make sure that we are not burdening certain industries that are suffering badly with the cumulative effect of higher prices, the ambitious Fit for 55 package. And, for example, let me mention one piece of legislation – new REACH, at the same time.

Let’s be honest: we stand ready to work with you, but let’s do it in a smart way.

  Iratxe García Pérez, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señora presidenta, hablemos sin eufemismos, señorías: estamos en guerra.

La Unión Europea respalda a Ucrania como país agredido con todos los medios a nuestro alcance: sanciones, armas, auxilio a refugiados y diplomacia. Sin el valor del pueblo ucraniano y sin el apoyo de la Unión Europea y nuestros aliados, Ucrania no habría resistido la agresión criminal de Putin ni habría frustrado sus planes de conquista rápida. Ahora se libra una batalla decisiva en el Dombás y es preciso avanzar.

El paso siguiente debe ser el corte del gas y del petróleo, como hoy nos ha anunciado la presidenta de la Comisión, en la línea de lo que ya este Parlamento había planteado, y, por lo tanto, debemos congratularnos a este respecto.

En paralelo, debemos trabajar hacia una estrategia de desconexión que incluya la construcción de plantas regasificadoras e interconexiones internas, una negociación conjunta con proveedores alternativos y un acelerón urgente de las energías renovables. En este sentido, estoy totalmente en contra de lo que ha planteado la representante del Grupo Popular Europeo: creo que, ahora más que nunca, es necesario avanzar en el impulso de las políticas de lucha contra el cambio climático, porque son las que han puesto en evidencia las propias deficiencias que tenemos como Unión Europea.

Hundir a Putin no significa abandonar a su suerte a aquellos países más afectados por su alta dependencia del gas y del petróleo ruso (somos conscientes de que hay países mucho más afectados por estas decisiones).

Hundir a Putin significa resistir, fortalecer nuestra determinación y reaccionar colectivamente ante un momento crucial de la historia de Europa, sin ignorar los efectos asimétricos de esta crisis, intentando entender que es necesario, por lo tanto, aplicar el principio de solidaridad a todas las medidas que tomemos.

Hundir a Putin significa también poner fin a una Unión Europea de ciudadanos de primera y de segunda, incorporando a Rumanía y Bulgaria al espacio Schengen y protegiendo nuestros valores.

He tenido la oportunidad de ver en persona lo que está haciendo un país como Rumanía, poniendo en práctica el principio fundamental de la Unión Europea, la solidaridad, en la gestión de las fronteras y el apoyo a los refugiados. No es posible que, por un lado, les estemos dando las gracias por esa gestión y, por el otro, no seamos capaces de entender que tienen el mismo derecho que el resto de países, cuando cumplen todos los criterios, a formar parte del espacio Schengen.

Esta es otra reflexión que deberíamos plantear y supone, sobre todo, un toque de atención al Consejo.

Nuestra ciudadanía es consciente del drama que vive y ahora es la Comisión Europea quien debe estar a la altura del mismo ante el reto financiero que suponen todas estas medidas. Hoy necesitamos un gran plan económico urgente que frene el aumento de la pobreza, la desigualdad, el desempleo y la pérdida de poder adquisitivo como consecuencia de la rampante inflación provocada por el encarecimiento de los carburantes y de los alimentos.

Resulta intolerable que, mientras las grandes multinacionales energéticas obtienen ingresos extraordinarios por los beneficios caídos del cielo, sean los más vulnerables los que paguen las consecuencias de esta guerra. Ese dinero que está en los bolsillos de algunos es a costa del sufrimiento de familias que hoy no pueden pagar la factura de la luz y se las ven y se las desean para llegar a fin de mes pudiendo pagar todas las facturas. Por lo tanto, debemos actuar en ese sentido.

En lugar de repetir los errores del pasado y recortar en medio de una crisis debemos prorrogar la cláusula de escape del Pacto de Estabilidad y Crecimiento para invertir en nuevas tecnologías, justicia social, una defensa más sólida y un futuro libre de carbono.

Si la Unión Europea quiere mantener un liderazgo internacional frente a un creciente bloque de autocracias tendremos que intensificar el apoyo a las poblaciones más vulnerables que están sufriendo las consecuencias de la barbarie de Putin, tanto en África como en nuestro vecindario más próximo.

El futuro de Moldavia como Estado independiente y su deseo de formar parte del mundo libre debe contar con nuestro compromiso financiero y militar, no solo con buenas palabras.

Una vez más, en nuestra historia nos encontramos ante el imperativo histórico de restaurar la paz en Europa y de construirla más allá de los confines de nuestra Unión. Pero no podemos aceptar una paz sin justicia, porque siempre son los humillados y ofendidos, como nos recordaba Dostoyevski, quienes merecen un alivio a su sufrimiento, quienes merecen justicia.

La única forma de alcanzar una paz digna es la derrota de Putin y la victoria de la libertad y de la democracia en Ucrania, lo que requiere nuestra unidad y nuestro sacrificio.

Resistimos en 2012 para proteger el euro, resistimos en 2020 para frenar la pandemia y resistiremos en 2022 para preservar la paz y la democracia.

  Luis Garicano, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Madam President, just a quick few reactions to your proposals, Ms von der Leyen. I was very happy to hear about the RRF2, this Recovery Reconstruction Fund using the lessons from what we learned for Ukraine. That’s good news. There was no news on how to finance it, so I hope that’s coming.

Also, I think that spending on reconstruction is very good, but as you very well said, there are very urgent funding needs and we need to see how we’re going to address them. And thirdly, you mentioned the embargo on oil. This Parliament is really happy to hear that, congratulations and that’s great news that we are moving on the oil embargo. But as you know, this is far short of what this Parliament wants. We actually asked, a month ago, for a full embargo on gas and oil.

While the debate goes on, the EU has sent EUR 50 billion to Russia since the start of the year, EUR 52 billion today. And by the time we get all this oil embargo set, etc., Putin will have received over EUR 100 billion more in revenues. We are now in the worst of all worlds. Consumers are paying higher prices, but these high prices are sufficiently high that Putin gets higher revenues than before, more than compensated for the loss of volume. And some say nothing else can be done, and this is false.

There is a clear solution which will collapse Russian revenue, incentivise substitution, protect consumers and even, Ms von der Leyen, increase EU resources. What is this miracle? It is the oldest trick in the book: a tariff. A tariff on Russian energy would allow us to shift some of the extra revenues from higher gas and oil prices to us, the consumers from the Russian producers. With a tariff, the price that European consumers pay will go up a little bit. Some consumers will continue consuming. Some of them will stop. It depends on how much needs they have.

But the gap between the price that the consumers pay and what the Russians receive is actually the revenue from the tariff that would flow to the European taxpayers, the European Union, and that could be given back to Europeans to compensate for the higher gas prices. And the suppliers would be the ones facing the trouble, since a lower quantity is going to be supplied, it will be supplied at a lower price. Don’t forget that Russian oil and gas suppliers are desperately dependent on European purchases. Between us and our allies, we purchase 80% of the oil and gas and they will be willing to supply at the lower price that the tariff will involve for them.

Why? First, the EU and US are buying 80% of their fossil fuel exports and the infrastructure bottlenecks make it very hard to shift those exports to Asia. Second, production costs are low at USD 20 a barrel, so they will actually have to accept those lower revenues rather than shutting down the wells.

In short, a tariff would allow us to shift Russian revenues to the European Union consumers, all while accelerating an end to European dependency on Moscow’s fuels. Even if a high tariff comes with a cost for the European Union, it is a more efficient way to stop Putin than any of the other sanctions that we already have in place before the embargo comes in as fast as possible.

Let’s do it now. It must be a new tool in our armoury, enhancing our capacity to act.

  Sara Matthieu, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, Madame Le Ministre, Commission President, we’ve condemned the horrible and unjustified invasion of Ukraine by the Russian military forces many times before, and the European Union was highly united in its response. Severe actions were implemented, and just last plenary, this Parliament demanded an embargo on all Russian fossil fuels, including gas.

However, these sanctions will not only harm the Russian economy, they will also affect the lives of European citizens, with a direct impact on their homes, their jobs and their wallets. This could lead to more social inequality, a rise in unemployment and an increase in energy poverty.

We need to protect our citizens, specifically those at risk of falling into poverty – people who are afraid of not being able to heat their homes next winter. We need a strong social response to their fears. The EU has the choice to leave no one behind, to mitigate the rise in energy costs, to ensure decent and affordable housing for all. The EU has the choice to protect workers on the labour market against unemployment. The EU has the choice to ensure that climate transition is a fair transition where industry pays its fair share.

We need minimum wages, minimum income protection for all and a European unemployment scheme. Colleagues, we have the possibility to protect our citizens against the hardships of war, and now is the time to act.

  Jordan Bardella, au nom du groupe ID. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Présidente de la Commission européenne, depuis deux mois, l'horreur de la guerre frappe notre continent. Ce conflit, si proche de nos portes, nous touche dans nos consciences et nous rappelle à notre devoir de solidarité face aux atrocités et aux crimes de guerre que subit le peuple ukrainien. Mais il touche aussi chacun d'entre nous, chaque peuple d'Europe, par la violence de ses conséquences économiques collatérales. L'inflation est de retour partout en Europe, et elle accable d'abord les plus modestes, qui voient renchérir les prix des biens de première nécessité. Se nourrir, se chauffer ou encore se déplacer devient, hélas pour beaucoup, une angoisse toujours plus rude.

Cette guerre est d'abord et avant tout un questionnement sur notre dépendance: celle aux énergies fossiles importées comme aux produits alimentaires et aux produits agricoles cultivés toujours plus loin de chez nous. Cette guerre nous rappelle la plus vieille leçon de l'histoire: la souveraineté, c'est le prix de la liberté. Dès lors, il est crucial de renforcer notre autonomie énergétique en continuant à renforcer notre filière nucléaire, énergie la plus propre et la plus décarbonée dont disposent aujourd'hui nos sociétés, en refusant de céder aux pressions des Verts qui veulent renvoyer nos sociétés à l'âge de pierre économique par la réouverture des centrales à charbon.

Notre devoir est aussi celui de reconquérir notre souveraineté alimentaire par la fin du libre-échange absolu et le développement du juste échange, le recours aux circuits courts et au localisme, à la proximité. Cette protection de nos filières agricoles passe par la fin de la folle stratégie de la ferme à la fourchette promue par la Commission, qui livre nos agriculteurs à la contrainte et à la ruine.

La situation exceptionnelle que nous connaissons appelle à plus court terme des mesures d'urgence pour le pouvoir d'achat de nos concitoyens. Il faut baisser les taxes sur les carburants, comme l'a fait la Pologne dès le mois de février. Nous souhaitons le faire en France, où les taxes représentent près de 60 % du prix à la pompe. Nous devons aussi nous résoudre à constater qu'à cet instant, les sanctions énergétiques prises par l'Europe ont affaibli notre pouvoir d'achat tout en enrichissant la Russie. Le rouble est à un niveau historiquement haut depuis deux ans et les profiteurs de guerre s'enrichissent toujours plus dans l'exportation des matières premières.

Le constructeur automobile Renault a été contraint de céder ses parts dans la marque russe Lada pour un rouble symbolique. C'est donc un institut dépendant de Poutine qui en a fait l'acquisition. C’est là une drôle de sanction qui conduit à saborder une entreprise française pour finalement permettre au gouvernement russe de la nationaliser gratuitement.

Pour conclure, nous n'avons pas le pouvoir de décider de l'emplacement des gisements de gaz et de pétrole. En revanche, nous pouvons décider de protéger les nôtres tout en sanctionnant les profiteurs de guerre et en aspirant demain à retrouver le chemin de l’indépendance. Il faut suivre un principe simple: les sanctions doivent continuer de cibler Poutine, le régime russe et ses décideurs, et non le portefeuille des Européens, ni les activités de nos entreprises. Je vous conjure de penser à eux.

  Raffaele Fitto, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Ministro e signora Presidente della Commissione, ho ascoltato con molta attenzione il Suo intervento e penso che sia molto utile e importante questo confronto di idee per individuare soluzioni immediate e rapide rispetto all'evoluzione del conflitto.

Non c'è dubbio che la strada perseguita è una strada che va portata avanti con decisione rispetto all'atteggiamento nei confronti della Russia, non solamente di condanna ma anche di azione concreta, quindi il pacchetto di sanzioni è sicuramente l'elemento decisivo sul quale lavorare per ottenere dei risultati, ma il pacchetto di sanzioni è una premessa fondamentale rispetto anche alle reazioni e alle scelte che devono essere fatte in Europa. Noi sappiamo che non hanno una grande popolarità nel nostro continente e che in alcuni paesi rischiano di creare grossi problemi ed è evidente che servono delle risposte importanti, quindi sicuramente l'obiettivo di lunga scadenza della ricostruzione in Ucraina è fondamentale e fa bene la Commissione ad occuparsene, però oggi dobbiamo anche fare i conti con delle situazioni oggettive.

La prima: l'export europeo tra febbraio e marzo ha avuto una flessione del 6 per cento. È necessario dare una risposta forte in tal senso. Il fondo di compensazione – abbiamo un esempio, il modello Brexit utilizzato in quella direzione – può essere una soluzione perché le sanzioni non operano in tutti i paesi nello stesso modo, esistono paesi che ne subiscono maggiormente le conseguenze rispetto ad altri.

Seconda questione: le scelte di carattere strutturale, vi accennava la collega de Lange rispetto al tema del "Fit for 55". È pensabile che noi non modifichiamo nulla rispetto a quanto immaginato prima della guerra? La guerra non è un evento che ci deve portare a riflettere sulla necessità di cambiare l'impostazione che la Commissione e le istituzioni europee hanno messo in campo? Io penso di sì e quindi i tempi di attuazione, i target troppo ambiziosi, che sono presenti all'interno del "Fit for 55" sono un elemento decisivo sul quale iniziare una riflessione per modificare queste scelte.

Poi un'altra proposta concreta che si accompagna rispetto ad una necessità, una risposta sulle grandi questioni economiche e quindi sul patto di stabilità. Un dibattito che viene rinviato, ma che dovrebbe essere fondamentale per accompagnare le misure che devono essere portate avanti. Ed è il tema che anche ieri, nel dibattito con il Presidente del Consiglio dei ministri italiano Draghi, abbiamo sollevato.

L'articolo 21 dell'RRF prevede in modo molto chiaro che in casi straordinari questi strumenti, che hanno importantissime risorse, possano essere modificati rispetto alle esigenze attuali. Se la Commissione prima della guerra ha previsto un articolo del regolamento che indica la necessità di modificare i piani nazionali per poterli adeguare alle nuove esigenze, penso che questa sia la circostanza nella quale prendere atto di questo e modificare le scelte in questa direzione per poter immaginare soluzioni adeguate in questo senso.

Chiudo con un riferimento finale. Bisogna evitare dei distinguo, se vogliamo essere efficaci sulle sanzioni, su due elementi fondamentali: acquisti comuni e tetto dell'acquisto dei prezzi del gas. Su questo c'è bisogno di una risposta unitaria. I distinguo non aiutano e rischiano di indebolire complessivamente la strategia che mettiamo in campo.

  Martin Schirdewan, im Namen der Fraktion The Left. – Frau Präsidentin! Auf den Bahnhöfen in ganz Europa nehmen unzählige Freiwillige Millionen Geflüchteter aus der Ukraine in Empfang – Menschen, die Schutz, aber auch eine Wohnung, ein Einkommen, einen Job suchen, Millionen von Menschen, die vor einem brutalen Krieg und der Zerstörung ihrer Heimat fliehen.

In der Ukraine sind derzeit Millionen Tonnen Getreide blockiert. Die Ernte ist bedroht. In einem Supermarkt bei mir um die Ecke gibt es seit Wochen kein Sonnenblumenöl mehr. Die Preise für Butter sind im letzten Jahr um 44 % gestiegen, die Preise für Gemüse um bis zu 30 %. Nahrungsmittelpreise in der EU sind außer Rand und Band. Wegen des Krieges und der Unterbrechung der Lieferketten rechnen die Vereinten Nationen mit einer weltweiten Lebensmittel- und Hungerkrise.

Der Krieg fällt in eine Zeit, in der die Energiepreise bereits vor der russischen Invasion in die Ukraine durch die Decke gegangen sind und 36 Millionen Menschen in der EU im Jahr 2020 – das sind Ihre Zahlen, Frau von der Leyen – nicht angemessen heizen konnten. Der Krieg, die verstärkte Nachfrage nach der Pandemie, die Spekulation an den Strombörsen und das falsche Energiemarktdesign in der EU tragen zu dieser Energiepreiskostenexplosion bei.

All das heizt die Inflation zusätzlich an. Mietkosten steigen, Nahrungsmittelpreise steigen, die Energiepreise steigen weiter, die Inflation frisst Löhne und Renten auf. Deshalb brauchen wir jetzt einen europaweiten Energiepreisdeckel, damit Energiearmut effektiv bekämpft werden kann und nicht immer weiter aus dem Ruder gerät. Wir brauchen jetzt eine europäische Anstrengung, um die einkommensschwächsten europäischen Haushalte vor Inflation, Energiearmut und Hunger zu schützen.

Und dafür braucht es eine Krisengewinnsteuer, die erhoben wird auf die zusätzlichen Gewinne der Energiekonzerne, der Rüstungskonzerne – der Aktienkurs von Rheinmetall ist seit März um 120 % gestiegen – und auch der Pandemie-Gewinner, also der Pharmaunternehmen und der Big-Tech-Konzerne. Amazon und Google haben sich während der Pandemie ja bekanntlich dumm und dämlich verdient.

Das wären effektive erste Schritte, um die gröbste soziale Not zu lindern. Und wir würden Gelder freisetzen, die bei einer sinnvollen wirtschaftlichen Produktion in der Landwirtschaft und bei der Integration der Kriegsgeflüchteten helfen würden.

Es ist richtig, an der Unabhängigkeit von russischem Gas und Öl zu arbeiten. Deshalb aber Milliarden und Abermilliarden in den Rüstungssektor zu pumpen, halte ich für den falschen Weg, sondern diese Gelder müssen in die sozial gerechte Energiewende fließen, die uns schnellstmöglich von der Abhängigkeit von fossilen Energieträgern befreit. Und das gilt nicht nur für russisches Gas und Öl, sondern für Gas und Öl, egal woher es stammt.

Und einige der verhängten Sanktionen sind leider in der jetzigen Form untauglich: Die Häuser, Jachten, Autos der Oligarchen werden ja quasi eingefroren, das heißt, sie müssen in demselben Zustand erhalten werden, wie sie vorgefunden werden. Und derzeit zahlen die europäischen Steuerzahler für die Instandhaltung der eingefrorenen Oligarchenbesitztümer.

Ich finde das absurd. Der Besitz muss enteignet und anderer Verwendung zugeführt werden. Oligarchenvillen müssen geflüchteten Familien zur Verfügung gestellt werden, deren Jachten für die Naherholung. Hier muss dringend nachgebessert werden, Frau von der Leyen!

  Márton Gyöngyösi (NI). – Madam President, there is a broad consensus here and in other EU institutions that economic sanctions on Russia are the most effective way of pressuring Russia to stop its aggression in Ukraine. The speed, efficiency and accuracy of the sanctions proposed by the Commission need to be commended, especially its efforts to create an unprecedented unity among Member States.

It is unfortunate that it took such a disaster to realise the unhealthy dependence of our continent on Russian energy supplies and to start discussions about a unified energy market, based on diversified energy resources and solidarity among Member States. In the past weeks, Russia has demonstrated that it’s ready to use energy as a strategic weapon to further its aggressive geopolitical objectives. It must be clear by now that Russia in the long term is an unreliable partner for supplying energy to the EU.

Therefore, I would like to ask the Commission to focus not only on fossil fuels when it comes to sanctions, but also to target nuclear energy. Nuclear deals struck by Russian Rosatom with the governments of various Member States must be phased out. Finland showed the way by terminating the Fennovoima deal with Rosatom, which supplied a nuclear reactor and was the financial backer of the project, as well as the main shareholder.

It’s time that Hungary follows suit and terminates its equally controversial Paks deal with Rosatom. The Commission would be right, in its next sanction package, to ban every Russian nuclear deal on the continent.

VORSITZ: OTHMAR KARAS
Vizepräsident

  Siegfried Mureşan (PPE). – Mr President, President von der Leyen, dear colleagues, we have all seen that Russia is a threat to the security of the European Union and will remain a threat to us for the foreseeable future. This is why we can only live in safety and stability within the borders of the European Union if we are surrounded in our immediate neighbourhood by countries that are safe and stable. Helping Ukraine clearly also means helping ourselves. This is why the line needs to be to continue supporting Ukraine and sanctioning the Russian Federation.

President von der Leyen, we welcome the new package of sanctions which you presented to us and are putting forward. We as a Parliament have demanded an immediate ban on imports of Russian oil, gas, coal and nuclear fuel. This is why, as the Commission will be implementing the ban on Russian oil, it has to be implemented and it has to take effect as soon as possible, and in a way in which it does not allow for any loopholes or special treatment for Member States or for companies. This would endanger the unity of the European Union. Keeping our unity while we implement this ban will be important, firstly.

Secondly, as we reduce our dependency on Russian fossil fuels, we should not create dependency on any other single route of transport, single source of energy or oil supplying country. We are seeing that any vulnerability, any weakness, has costs in times of crisis.

What should we do within the European Union? The title of the debate is social and economic consequences for the European Union. Firstly, we should use the existing tools we have to strengthen our economy. There is still money available in the Recovery and Resilience Facility, because some Member States have not accessed all of the loans component. We need to work with Member States to see if they need the money, if they will access it, and if not, the position of our group, the EPP, is to try to use those sums for large energy projects, transnational energy projects, to interconnect, to bring energy to where it is needed within the European Union. If an amendment of the RRF Regulation is needed for this, we should do it.

Next point: use the decommitted amounts from the 2014-2020 budget to allow Member States to spend the money where they need it, particularly in helping refugees and host communities within the borders of the EU.

One last idea, which helps Ukraine and helps the European Union, is to work towards integrating Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova into the EU single market as soon as circumstances allows. This will help Ukraine to develop by itself, with the costs being more controllable for us.

  Agnes Jongerius (S&D). – Mr President, colleagues. The title of the debate is ‘the social and economic consequences for the EU of the Russian war in Ukraine’ – and, of course, the consequences in Ukraine are huge.

But I think we should also be clear that the war in Ukraine plunges us also into a new social economic crisis, and with skyrocketing energy prices, with deep—diving purchasing power and increasing inflation, I fear that the most vulnerable will bear the burden. And the question should be then, I think, what route are we going to take? It’s our duty that the stronger shoulders bear the heaviest burden while standing up against Putin and standing in solidarity with the Ukraine. In this crisis, we need to address the root causes of long—term economic and social imbalances.

I think it’s time to break the vicious circle of raging inequalities and privilege for the super rich. There are many things to fix, and those who are increasing their profits exponentially and indecently are the ones to pay the price first. Therefore we need more than just an extension of the escape clause. We need a European solution. We need money to accommodate refugees from Ukraine. We need support for the citizens and small businesses for rising energy prices. Madam Minister, I think we should not talk about energy poverty any more. We are talking about actual poverty, people who cannot pay their bills anymore.

Therefore my proposal is to organise a social summit with the social partners to tackle the challenges of increasing inflation, increasing inequalities and its social consequences, especially on living conditions and wages. We need to update the action plan of the social pillar. We need European action.

  Valérie Hayer (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, Madame la Ministre, chers collègues, chaque jour qui passe, nous envoyons 800 millions d’euros à Poutine grâce à nos achats de pétrole, de gaz et de charbon. Ces 800 millions lui permettent de nourrir ses soldats et de recharger ses tanks. Tant que nous continuerons, les horreurs ne s’arrêteront pas. Alors oui, nous devons asphyxier cette économie de guerre et non pas l’alimenter. Mais Monsieur le Commissaire, il est illusoire de croire que les Européens sortiront indemnes de cette situation s’il n’y a aucune solidarité avec ceux qui seront les plus impactés. J’en suis même convaincue, c’est la condition pour aller plus loin. Nous devons donc mutualiser les coûts de cette guerre pour nos ménages et pour nos entreprises. Si nous imposons des sanctions en tant qu’Européens, nous devons en assumer aussi les conséquences, en tant qu’Européens.

Mais ce n’est pas tout: panser les plaies est une chose, anticiper les problèmes pour qu’ils ne surgissent pas en est une autre. Alors, chers collègues, prenons du recul, serions-nous autant à la merci de Vladimir Poutine si nous avions entrepris les investissements nécessaires il y a huit ans, lorsque l’Ukraine a été amputée de la Crimée? Est-ce que l’histoire n’aurait pas été complètement différente, aujourd’hui, si nous étions sortis de notre dépendance aux hydrocarbures russes et même aux hydrocarbures tout court? Oui, il y a eu des erreurs stratégiques qui ont été commises ces dernières années. Incontestablement. Cette invasion et ses conséquences doivent donc sonner comme l’alerte ultime.

Alors, je rappelle ici ma et notre conviction: nous devons créer SAFE, un fonds pour notre autonomie stratégique en Europe, un fonds destiné à sortir de nos dépendances d’ici à la fin de la décennie: hydrocarbures, intrants agricoles, industries critiques, défense aussi, évidemment.

Il est de notre responsabilité d’enfin nous affirmer, d’enfin prendre notre destin en main. Nous avons été élus, chers collègues, pour faire de l’Europe une Union qui protège: les temps présents nous obligent.

  Ernest Urtasun (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, let me first welcome President von der Leyen’s announcement on the ban for Russian oil to be included in the new sanctions package. The support of Ukraine needs to go hand—in—hand also in supporting our citizens most affected from the consequences of war.

We are at the doors of possibly the third, once in a lifetime, deep crisis that generations of Europeans will suffer. The cumulative crises have led to devastating social consequences in our continent. 96 million people in the EU are already at risk of poverty. Increased inequalities, the return of war in Europe and the existential threat of climate change is a scary prospect. And once again, history knocks at the doors of the European project.

During the pandemic, the EU learned how to respond to difficult economic and social situations after the disastrous years of austeritarian lunacy. Now, we need to show that this willingness to protect our citizens will be the norm and not the exception.

Price inflation in the EU has reached levels not seen since the 70s, but half, we know, is directly due to fossil energy price rises. And it is why we need action on the energy sector. It is not time, in our opinion, to restrict our accommodative monetary policy, which would have disastrous economic consequences, but to accelerate our energy transition.

I is not time either, I am sorry to say, to postpone our Green New Deal. I mean, climate change does not wait. We know that our Green Deal and energy transition is the best solution to the crisis that we are having, so I more than disagree with what the EPP has said this morning today in the plenary.

We know that we need to accelerate that energy transition and, for that, we will probably need also no financial instruments to be put in place. That is why we want also to call for a new energy sovereignty facility to facilitate Member States to accelerate that transition. We know that politically this is difficult. Putting in place your effort was a difficult process, but we need to be ambitious and I am sure that we will be able to do that again.

  Jaak Madison (ID). – Mr President, first of all, yesterday morning, I checked the statistic of how much you have paid to Russia for gas, oil and coal. In the first two months after the war, the biggest buyer and payer for Russia is, of course, Germany. The second one is Italy, the third one is Turkey, and the fourth one is the Netherlands.

If I compared the prices that we paid – I mean we as Europeans – to Russia for gas and oil, it was three times higher an amount of money than it was at exactly the same time last year. And of course the Germans and others who are buying gas from Russia are saying that it’s the market price.

But the problem that we have now is that we, as Europeans, are paying three times more money to Russia. We are saying that ‘well it’s the market price’, but it’s not true. The Russians are saying ‘ you have to pay this sort of money for gas’, otherwise they will not sell it. We are not the smartest ones and we are paying this money. This means that every day we are paying hundreds of millions of euros to Russia to have the energy resources and they are using this money for the military and for the war machine against Ukraine, maybe tomorrow against Moldova, and maybe in few days against the Baltic states or Finland.

So what is my point? We now have a situation and the summer is coming so it’s a good time. But in September, October and November, when the winter is coming, we will again be in a situation where we are paying many, many times more money for the resources, the energy, from Russia to have a warm house, to have functioning technology, and to have functioning businesses. That’s why today the Germans and Austrians and also the Hungarians –I have to say, unfortunately – are saying that they can’t stop importing energy from Russia now.

But we now have to think now how to survive next winter because otherwise we’ll be screwed and will still be paying more and more money – three times more than last year – to Russia. And this money will be used for their new occupations and their new expansions, and that’s the fault of the European energy policy. We have to learn from our mistakes, what we have done, and look for the next winter.

  Beata Szydło (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Nie da się ludzkiego życia przeliczyć na pieniądze. Nie da się przeliczyć na pieniądze życia ukraińskich dzieci, kobiet i mężczyzn, ale pieniądze są potrzebne po to, żeby móc ich ratować, żeby ich wspierać, żeby pomagać im bronić się i żeby pomagać im przetrwać ten tragiczny dla nich wszystkich czas. Dlatego nie bójmy się podejmować odważnych decyzji. Niech nie przemawia przez nas tylko i wyłącznie w tej chwili takie myślenie, że konsekwencje tej wojny odbiją się też na nas wszystkich. Tak, one się odbiją na nas wszystkich, ale im szybciej ta wojna się skończy, im szybciej powstrzymamy Putina, tym będzie po prostu możliwy szybszy pokój i wyjście z tej tragicznej sytuacji na Ukrainie.

Potrzebne są zdecydowane kroki, konsekwencja, stanowczość i solidarność. Dobrze, że jest szósty pakiet sankcji. Mogę powiedzieć: zbyt późno. I oby był skuteczny, i obyśmy mogli powiedzieć na następnej sesji, tutaj, na następnej naszej debacie, że ten pakiet działa, bo do tej pory można odnieść wrażenie, że decyzje były podejmowane, ale nie do końca realizowane. Żeby zatrzymać Putina, musimy być zdecydowani i musimy przede wszystkim być konsekwentni i odważni. Dzisiaj Unia Europejska bardzo potrzebuje tej odwagi. Nie bójmy się, nie bójmy się powstrzymywać Putina, nie bójmy się tego, żeby zdecydowanie powiedzieć: dość. Wyciągnijmy konsekwencje i wyciągnijmy przede wszystkim wnioski z tych zaniechań, które przez poprzednie lata tutaj w Unii były niestety podejmowane.

I jeszcze jedna rzecz. Ci ludzie, którzy trafiają do naszych krajów, potrzebują pomocy, a te państwa, które ich wspierają, potrzebują środków z Unii Europejskiej. Powiedziałam, że nie da się przeliczyć życia ludzkiego na pieniądze, ale żeby im pomóc, te pieniądze są potrzebne. Dlatego trzeba stworzyć fundusz na wzór tego funduszu, który był kiedyś w czasie kryzysu migracyjnego, kiedy przyjeżdżali do Europy imigranci ekonomiczni. Trzeba stworzyć specjalny fundusz, który pomoże państwom ratującym dzisiaj Ukrainę.

  Nikolaj Villumsen (The Left). – Hr. formand! Krigen i Ukraine er dybt forfærdende. Vi skal gøre alt for at stoppe den. For at hjælpe ukrainerne. Det er vigtigt, at EU har indført sanktioner, men de er tydeligvis ikke hårde nok til at få Putin til at trække sine soldater tilbage. Derfor må vi øge presset. Vi skal stoppe import af russisk olie og gas. Det skal ramme Putin og oligarkerne, hvor det gør ondt. Krigen og solidariteten med Ukraine kan ikke undgå at ramme vores egen økonomi. Derfor er det helt afgørende, at vi skærmer de laveste indkomster. Også i indsatsen mod Putin skal de bredeste skuldre naturligvis bære de tungeste byrder. Det er tragisk, at mange familier kæmper for at få pengene til at række og må vælge mellem mad eller varme. Sådan skal det ikke være i EU i 2022! Ingen skal sulte eller tvinges fra hus og hjem. Vi skal holde hånden under de økonomisk svageste. Det er afgørende for at vi kan holde sammen mod Putin.

Lad os beskatte de overnormale profitter. Lad os stoppe spekulationen i stigende fødevarer-, energi- og råstofpriser. Lad os hjælpe de ukrainske flygtninge. De ukrainske flygtninge er velkomne i EU, og de fortjener, som alle andre flygtninge, en god behandling, også på arbejdsmarkedet. Derfor må vi stille klare krav til arbejdsgiverne, så vores ukrainske venner ikke bliver underbetalt og udnyttet. Derfor skal der stilles klare sociale krav til udbetalingen af EU-midler. Derfor skal vores skattekroner ikke gå til virksomheder, der ikke overholder gældende overenskomst eller gemmer sig i lyssky skattely. Fællesskabets penge skal ikke gå til grådige arbejdsgivere eller rigmænd, der svigter fællesskabet. Kære kollegaer, lad os i stedet stå sammen mod Putin. Lad os holde hånden under de laveste indkomster og lad os gå solidarisk igennem denne forfærdelige krig.

  Luděk Niedermayer (PPE). – Mr President, dear colleagues, dear guests, the cruel, illegal and irresponsible attack of Putin’s Russia on Ukraine has killed so far thousands of people, brought full—scale war to Europe and destroyed the remaining naive trust in a rule—based relationship with Russia. Economic and social implications are only part of this, as Esther de Lange mentioned in her speech. But this is the part that shouldn’t be neglected. We are dealing with a difficult combination of high inflation that will be boosted by the war. The implication for some Member States of high inflows of refugees, as well as disruption for businesses for firms that had ties with Russia or Ukraine. Lack of public confidence is only completing the picture.

Most of the economic forecasts are still assuming a very moderate impact on economic growth, in the magnitude just slightly above 1%. This is something that we can deal with, but these assumptions are based on the condition that there is no disruption of energy supply to Europe. We should also have in mind that the impact is not equally spread.

Anyway, we must take some policy action. This should be fact—based, but should be effective and quick. First, we must get ready for an interruption of the gas supply. Everyday Moscow can decide to cut the supply. Better preparation means that the damaging costs will be lower.

Secondly, I guess it’s economically rational to react with domestic, social and economic policy, especially on high energy prices. But at the same time, instead of building a permanent support mechanism, we should speed up the introduction of renewables and energy efficiency. We must make sure that we reduce the red tape and any other measures that are slowing down the economy. More economic growth means also lower unemployment and smaller problems of the fiscal policy.

Last not least, we must redirect EU funds to deal with the current challenges and use the resources that we have effectively.

  Jonás Fernández (S&D). – Señor presidente, Comisión, Consejo, me gustaría empezar este debate felicitando a la Comisión Europea por el nuevo paquete que ha presentado esta mañana y, sin duda, por el trabajo del liderazgo en la toma de decisiones para ayudar a Ucrania y bloquear las intenciones de Putin. Creo que este trabajo hay que reconocerlo y esperemos que el Consejo siga manteniendo la unidad que hemos visto en los últimos meses y que algunas desviaciones o algunas propuestas no encuentren apoyo y seamos capaces de minimizar esas probabilidades de desviación dentro del Consejo.

El debate sobre los efectos en la Unión Europea es un debate complejo, porque sin duda tiene aspectos sociales, como se han expuesto. Tenemos que acoger a esos millones de refugiados que han llegado a Europa. Además, también hay consecuencias económicas de no fácil tratamiento, con una inflación elevada y con unas previsiones de crecimiento difíciles.

En todo caso, este espíritu de consenso que veo en este Parlamento, teniendo en cuenta que la gran mayoría de las medidas hasta ahora están siendo tomadas por los Estados miembros, contrasta con algunos Congresos, con algunos Parlamentos nacionales, como el de mi país, donde la derecha parece no querer respaldar al Gobierno en estos momentos difíciles.

Necesitamos que la política monetaria no responda de manera acelerada a este crecimiento de la inflación. El grueso de la desviación de precios es alimentos y energía, a diferencia de lo que ocurre en Estados Unidos, por ejemplo. También sería bueno reconsiderar el papel del Mecanismo de Recuperación y Resiliencia, la posibilidad de ampliar o de generar nuevos instrumentos similares al Mecanismo para responder económicamente de manera solidaria, a la vez que las propias sanciones también las tomamos de manera conjunta.

  Dragoş Pîslaru (Renew). – Mr President, we have spent the past two years talking about how we emerge, how to emerge from the COVID-19 crisis stronger. We have spent two months of war in Ukraine doing the same. A crisis has this grim gift of providing ample supplies of one of the most elusive and valuable resource Europe needs, the political will to embrace change and to do the things that need to be done.

I applaud the continuation of the sanctions, but we are still far away from the Parliament position. We still need ambitious tools and the instruments to move forward. In the pandemic we have created the RRF and other funds and measures that showed solidarity, that kept our businesses sometimes barely afloat and helped our citizens. Now, in two months we have moved defence supplies of an unprecedented scale and opened our countries to many more millions of Ukrainian refugees that we had seen during the 2015 refugee crisis.

We do have right now a momentum of political will to reinforce our capacity to act for all Europeans, Ukrainians included, as they firmly belong in Europe by culture, values, geography, and now by bravery and commitment. I think it is time indeed to use the RRF at its full potential, to use all the resources, to use all the lessons learned and the solutions for the Member States, and this is part of the response.

But at the same time, we should focus indeed, and I was really pleased to hear today that there is a discussion about the recovery plan from Ukraine. And for that, we need indeed to use the lessons learned from the RRF that are indeed valuable.

The world will never be the same again, and Russia with Putin in charge will never again be a partner for Europe. So there is no more status quo return to, and we need to create a new normal one with reinforced financial tools that will ensure no European is left behind in the aftermath of Putin’s war, and Ukraine and Moldova as well get the welcome they need from the EU, that we emerge once again stronger together.

  Terry Reintke (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, dear Minister, the President is right – European history will be written in Ukraine. That is why our support for a free European democracy against brutal Russian aggression is paramount right now. It is our historic responsibility to do everything possible to show this solidarity, including hard and far—reaching sanctions, and I’m happy to hear that a deal has been reached on a ban on Russian oil. It is an important next step, but it is certainly not the last one that we will need.

While this parliament strongly supports the sanctions, we also already see the negative consequences this war has for Europe. After years of pandemic, we see the economic struggle of many households in the European Union. And our reaction to the pandemic, despite some challenges in the beginning, was based on one of our strongest assets – solidarity.

With the Next Generation EU fund we managed to show that we can stand together in times of crisis, and the same – and probably more – is needed now because we all know what Putin is trying to do. He’s trying to divide us, to play Member State against Member States and to count that the social hardship that we will face will dry out our firm support for Ukraine. Putin is trying to divide Europe, to divide our societies. He is counting on our inability to manage this great challenge together.

We cannot colleagues, and we will not, let him succeed in this. Let us show that we will face this challenge together, the east and the west of Europe, the north and the south. Let us show that all that he is succeeding in will be to revive the European social model, the promise of a European Union where nobody will be left behind. For that, we will need joint efforts, investments, a solidarity fund to balance out the social inequality. And we will have to proceed in creating a real social safety net on the European level by finally introducing a European minimum wage, closing the gender pay gap and, yes, also a European minimum income.

This continent is weakest when it is divided and strongest when it is united. Let us be united against Putin!

  Marco Campomenosi (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, grazie Commissario per essere qui, le conseguenze eccome se ci sono per il tessuto sociale e produttivo dei paesi dell'Unione europea, ma ovviamente c'è anche l'elemento positivo del fatto che siamo tutti uniti a sostenere le sanzioni, anche il nuovo pacchetto, che è uno strumento giusto e che sta portando dei risultati, certo sta portando anche delle conseguenze e dei costi al nostro sistema, al nostro modello di impresa, ma occorre andare avanti perché è una delle strategie più importanti.

L'unità che abbiamo dimostrato qui è un valore, però non ci deve impedire di fare anche un'analisi sulla situazione che si sta creando, un'analisi anche sugli errori che abbiamo commesso in passato, sul perché siamo giunti a questa dipendenza dalla Russia, sul perché fino a poche settimane prima dello scoppio della guerra, qualcuno in quest'Aula continuava a difendere progetti come il Nord Stream 2 e sull'Eastmed invece non si diceva nulla. Progetto quello dell'Eastmed che magari rilanceremo presto, ma che impiegherà molto tempo a diventare attivo.

Abbiamo alcuni elementi che sono sorti in queste settimane: il problema dello stoccaggio delle risorse energetiche in vista del prossimo inverno; la questione del pagamento con i rubli o con l'euro, per cui le imprese hanno bisogno di chiarimenti. Quindi sarebbe importante che la Commissione europea dia elementi di chiarezza anche su questo aspetto che sta creando tensioni, tensioni che sono anche sui mercati. L'inflazione, il potere d'acquisto delle famiglie è stato già citato anche dai miei colleghi, perché in fondo poi quello che è in gioco è la competitività del nostro sistema.

L'agroalimentare sta subendo già le conseguenze e il lavoro e il nostro tessuto sociale rischia di pagare molto caro. Poi magari le conseguenze non le dovremo gestire noi, ma i nostri colleghi deputati a livello nazionale e regionale. Però quello sarà un elemento importantissimo perché – aggiungo quello che è stato detto anche da altri miei colleghi – non dobbiamo però commettere l'errore con il patto di stabilità di tornare a norme sbagliate che hanno fatto sì che l'Europa fosse il continente cresciuto meno negli ultimi vent'anni e con il "Fit for 55" aggiungere costi a imprese. Costi che vengono da norme studiate addirittura per un'Europa pre-pandemia, figuriamoci per un'Europa come quella di oggi che vive una guerra drammatica alle sue porte. Grazie e speriamo di poter porre qualche correttiva.

  Robert Roos (ECR). – Voorzitter, de sociale en economische gevolgen van de Oekraïneoorlog zijn groot. Laten we wel duidelijk zijn: de torenhoge inflatie komt voor het grootste gedeelte niet door de oorlog in Oekraïne. Die was er al dankzij het monetaire beleid van de onafrekenbare ECB, die de geldpersen al jaren in recordtempo laat draaien, dankzij onze overheden die de economie hebben stilgelegd met ellenlange lockdowns en dankzij de Green Deal van de Europese Unie die zorgt voor greenflation waardoor prijzen van energie, voedsel en grondstoffen sterk stijgen. Maar door de oorlog zijn de energieprijzen nog verder omhooggeschoten. Betaalbare energie is het fundament van de economie en daarmee van onze welvaart en ons welzijn.

Het is onaanvaardbaar dat Rusland Oekraïne is binnengevallen en ik snap de behoefte om daar iets tegen te doen zeer goed. Ik heb zelf continu vóór EU-eenheid tegen de Russische agressie gepleit, maar we moeten onszelf de vraag stellen: werken de sancties ook? Hebben ze daadwerkelijk het juiste effect op Rusland? Tot nu toe lijkt het daar niet op. Gaan we nu verder met een nieuwe ronde energiesancties? Niet alleen door de gestegen energieprijzen boekte Rusland recordwinsten, maar ook omdat hun export van olie met 100 000 vaten per dag is gestegen ten opzichte van 2021. Ondanks onze sancties, want Azië profiteert en de wereld blijkt groter dan de Europese Unie. En wij moeten gas importeren, want anders stort onze economie in elkaar. Steeds meer mensen redden het einde van de maand niet met hun salaris. We moeten stoppen met onszelf in de voet te schieten. Het is de taak van de politiek zorg te dragen voor het welzijn en de veiligheid van onze burgers. Ik wil voorkomen dat we straks moeten constateren dat Rusland rijker is geworden en dat de Europese Unie arm achterblijft. Verdere escalatie moet voorkomen worden en wereldleiders moeten naar een oplossing toewerken om partijen aan de onderhandelingstafel te krijgen. Daarbij zijn zowel de inwoners van de Europese Unie als de Oekraïners gebaat.

  Lídia Pereira (PPE). – Mr President, fellow Europeans, war is at our gates. Europeans are suffering, with fuel prices on the rise, with food prices, particularly bread and other essentials going through the roof. In fact, many Europeans are facing difficulties to which we cannot turn our faces in denial. But we need to face the social and economic consequences of this war, not only inside the EU but also in Ukraine.

We must not just walk or talk the talk. We must do the walk, the walk. We must reinforce our capacity to walk the walk, not just for today, but also for tomorrow. We must not settle for a few good speeches and beautiful words and loads of indignity and social media. We must do what we can do as soon as we can to make sure that something like this does not happen again. We need a legal freeze-and-seize instrument. We need to make Russia pay for war reparations to Ukraine. And we need that money. We need to help creating an adequate recovery plan to rebuild Ukraine’s infrastructure and relaunch Ukraine’s economy.

We can be divided into many things, and we frequently are. After all, debate and discussion are what a Parliament is about. But, dear friends, we cannot be divided about defending Europe from autocratic regimes. We shall not be divided about responding to other countries blackmailing us. And we will not be divided about putting European security, solidarity and friendship above anything else.

Long live Europe and long live freedom.

  Pedro Marques (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Ministra, Caro Vice-Presidente da Comissão Europeia, a guerra bárbara da Ucrânia, da Rússia à Ucrânia, convoca toda a nossa solidariedade para com os ucranianos, agora e no futuro. Adotámos, por isso, vários pacotes de sanções que enfraqueceram o regime e a economia russa, reduzindo a sua capacidade de alimentar a máquina de guerra, mas têm também impacto na Europa e nos nossos cidadãos.

Em qualquer caso, é um preço que nós, europeus, estamos dispostos a suportar em nome da paz e da liberdade e, caro Vice-Presidente da Comissão Europeia, queria cumprimentar a Comissão pelo novo pacote de sanções que agora vão adotar, que vai ao encontro de propostas deste Parlamento Europeu. Gostávamos que avançássemos mais depressa, mas reconhecemos que o embargo ao petróleo afeta, significativamente, a economia russa e o regime de Putin.

Mas temos também uma mensagem clara para transmitir à Comissão e às outras instituições e ao Conselho: é que a nossa capacidade de nos mantermos unidos na resposta à agressão russa também depende da capacidade de gerir as consequências económicas e sociais aqui na Europa e, à medida que aumentamos as sanções sobre a Rússia, também sabemos que as contra-sanções e o efeito dos preços da energia na Europa afetam a nossa economia, afetam os nossos cidadãos e queremos manter, de facto, a unidade europeia, porque tem sido um grande valor na resposta à agressão russa e, para isso, temos, de facto, que apoiar os cidadãos e as empresas europeias.

Muitas e boas ideias já foram hoje aqui apresentadas, outras menos boas, relativamente a esta resposta europeia. Devemos, de facto, continuar a avançar fortemente para as energias renováveis, devemos apoiar as nossas empresas que estão a ser afetadas pelos preços da energia, mas não as multinacionais do setor energético, que estão a ter lucros obscenos que devem ser taxados, e devemos, certamente, apoiar os cidadãos que estão a sofrer da pobreza energética, do efeito da pobreza energética, e todos aqueles que estão a apoiar os refugiados que vieram ao nosso encontro.

Essa solidariedade aqui na Europa significa defender a Europa, defender os ucranianos, defendendo também os povos europeus.

  Nicola Beer (Renew). – Herr Präsident, Madame la Ministre, Monsieur le Commissaire! Europa bewegt sich weiter; endlich ist auch ein Ölembargo in greifbarer Nähe. Wir verlassen endlich auch im Energiebereich unsere Komfortzone.

Wir Europäer müssen diesen Schritt gehen. Alleine der erhobene europäische Zeigefinger wird den russischen Angriffskrieg nicht beenden. Nach den bisherigen Sanktionspaketen, nach den Entscheidungen zu Waffenlieferungen ist das Ölembargo die überfällige geopolitische Entscheidung, mit der Europa seiner Verantwortung, seinem Gewicht, seinen Möglichkeiten gerecht wird. Die europäische Glaubwürdigkeit an der Seite der Ukraine gegen den russischen Aggressor bekommt bis dato eine neue Qualität, die ich in der letzten Zeit schmerzlich vermisst habe.

Aber kostenlose Glaubwürdigkeit gibt es nicht. Das Energieembargo wird an Europa nicht spurlos vorübergehen. Trotz der Übergangsfristen wird es voraussichtlich Preisschocks für Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher, für die Industrie wird es Versorgungsengpässe von Portugal bis Polen geben. Einfach wird es wahrlich nicht. Ersatz für russisches Öl – ja, Ersatz ist aber nur zu höheren Preisen zu haben. Ja, es wird Einschnitte geben, aber tragen wir sie mit Fassung, seien wir bereit, diesen Preis zu zahlen, denn die Europäische Union ist in der Lage, die unausweichlichen Folgen für Verbraucher, für die Industrie zu tragen, sie abzumildern.

Wir dürfen dabei auch nicht vergessen, dass es andere Regionen, andere Kontinente gibt, die diese Sachen nicht so einfach tragen können, die nicht eine Komfortzone haben, aus der sie herausrücken können. Auch diese müssen wir im Blick behalten.

Dabei dürfen wir trotzdem nicht wanken, nicht weichen, dürfen uns vor allem nicht von den Einschüchterungsversuchen Putins in irgendeiner Weise beeindrucken lassen. Europa kann, Europa muss es jetzt tun, wenn wir uns von der Geschichte am Ende nicht vorwerfen lassen wollen, vor lauter Kleingedrucktem das Wort „Krieg“ nicht mehr lesen zu können.

Wir haben uns schon viel zu viel Zeit gelassen mit den AGBs von Krieg und Frieden. Es ist der 70. Kriegstag; gewöhnen wir uns nicht an die Gräuel! Der Ukraine alle möglichen Unterstützungen – sie kämpft auch für unsere Freiheit. Weisen wir Russland in die Schranken, und zwar jetzt.

  Mounir Satouri (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Ministre, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, alors que l’Ukraine fait face aux pires heures de son histoire, l’Europe doit être et rester solidaire de ce peuple agressé.

Pour faire face et pour soigner ses propres maux, l’Europe et ses États membres doivent aussi renforcer leur solidarité interne et leur solidarité sociale. Nous devons empêcher la guerre de Vladimir Poutine de créer de la casse sociale dans l’Union européenne, car les Européennes et les Européens sont confrontés à une précarité énergétique accrue et à l’inflation. Le droit au logement comme le droit à l’alimentation doivent être garantis. Nous en avons les moyens, mobilisons les fonds nécessaires au pouvoir de vivre.

La crise que nous traversons doit amener l’Union à faire face et faire évoluer ses politiques sociales afin de protéger les plus vulnérables. Nous devons agir de manière unie contre les répercussions du conflit sur les inégalités sociales, l’emploi et la pauvreté. Il est urgent de ne plus tergiverser sur les chantiers sociaux européens.

C’est pourquoi, j’appelle la présidence française et le Conseil à faire preuve d’ambition sur le projet de directive sur les salaires minimums en cours de négociation. Et je l’affirme, le salaire minimum doit garantir des conditions de vie décentes à l’ensemble des travailleurs et travailleuses. J’appelle également à une initiative commune pour un revenu minimum dont l’objectif doit être d’éradiquer la pauvreté.

Cette guerre nous met, après la COVID, après des années de précarisation, devant une urgence sociale encore plus criante. Notre Europe, notre Union doit y répondre en renforçant de manière concrète ses politiques sociales.

  Ivan Štefanec (PPE). – Vážený pán predsedajúci. Už tretí mesiac čelia statoční Ukrajinci zločineckej ruskej vojenskej agresii a bránia slobodu nielen vo svojej vlasti, ale aj v celej Európe.

Pred pár týždňami som sa mal možnosť zúčastniť takisto návštevy Kyjeva, Buče, Irpiň na podnet môjho kolegu Andriusa Kubiliusa. Videl som hrôzy vojny priamo na mieste. Napríklad v Buči, kde nie je jediný vojenský objekt, ruskí zločinci útočili od prvého dňa invázie na civilné obyvateľs tvo. Videl som masové hroby, videl som detské hračky pred zbombardovanými domami, diery v domoch po ruských raketách, proste hrôzy, na ktoré sa nedá zabudnúť. A je šokujúce, že ruský vojenský zločinec Putin týchto hrdlorezov za tieto zločiny vyznamenával. To, čo je pre Rusov hrdinstvo, je pre všetkých normálnych ľudí primitívny zločin. A zločiny sa majú nie vyznamenávať, ale trestať.

Preto veľmi vítam rozhodnutie Európskej komisie zahrnúť tieto zločiny z Buče a ich autorov aj do ďalšieho balíka sankcií. Takisto vítam zahrnutie ruských dezinformačných kanálov do tohto balíka sankcií. Roky sme nerobili nič proti ruskej propagande a je načase, aby sme boli aktívni.

Musíme ísť ale aj ďalej. Pre ochranu života v Európe potrebujeme sa derusifikovať. Nebojme sa toho, je potrebné sa odstrihnúť od ruských energií, aj keď niektoré krajiny sú veľmi závislé od nich, aj moja krajina, Slovensko, a rozumiem tým obavám. Ale riešenie je v spoločnom európskom prístupe, vo vybudovaní energetickej únie, v koordinácii zásobníkov v spoločných nákupoch.

Riešenia existujú. Musíme dnes chrániť slobodu, život a dôstojnosť človeka tak, ako kresťanskí demokrati to robili v Európe. O to je to dnes cennejšie. Dnes potrebujeme pomôcť Ukrajincom, ktorí sú nám vzorom v obetavosti. A keď pomôžeme im, pomôžeme aj sebe. Život má väčšiu cenu ako akékoľvek peniaze.

  Elsi Katainen (Renew). – Arvoisa puhemies, hyvä komissaari, Venäjän hyökkäyssota Ukrainaan on Euroopan unionin historian kenties suurin koetinkivi. Yhteisömme on rakennettu luomaan rauhaa ja nyt sen perustaa uhataan rajuimmalla mahdollisella tavalla sitten toisen maailmansodan. Euroopassa riehuu sota. Venäjä pyrkii jokaisella liikkeellään hajottamaan unionia, mistä Bulgarian ja Puolan kaasuhanojen sulkeminen on ihan uusin ja viimeisin osoitus.

Vetoan jokaiseen päättäjään Euroopassa ja kehotan katsomaan historian pitkää kaarta ja tekemään lopun Venäjän energian tuonnista. Tästä seuraa taloudellisia haasteita, mutta Euroopan moraalisen kantin pitää kestää nämä seuraukset. Emme voi hyväksyä invaasiota, verilöylyjä ja lastensairaaloiden pommituksia. EU:n on pystyttävä pysymään yhtenäisenä ja yhtenäisiin päätöksiin.

Sodan sosiaaliset ja taloudelliset vaikutukset iskevät jokaiseen eurooppalaiseen. Yli viisi miljoonaa ukrainalaista on menettänyt kotinsa, ja EU:n on autettava heitä. Energian hinnan nousu vaikuttaa myös ruokamarkkinoihin. Ilmastokomissaari Timmermansin arviot siitä, että EU:ssa ei ole eikä tule olemaan ruokakriisiä ovat käsittämättömiä.

Paras lääke kriisin hoitoon on pitää huolta huoltovarmuustekijöiden eli ruoan ja energian tuottajien asemasta. Meidän on vauhditettava ilmastotoimia, mutta järkeistettävä keinoja, joilla EU:ssa tuotetaan maailman puhtainta ruokaa ja päästöttömintä energiaa. Näin sosiaaliset ja taloudelliset tappiot ovat lievemmät.

Yhteinen velanotto ei ole se tie, mihin kansalaiset Euroopassa haluavat lähteä. Sen sijaan jo sovittua koronan elvytyspakettia voidaan hyödyntää myös tässä kriisissä, sillä iso osa varoista on vielä käyttämättä.

  Jan Olbrycht (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Pani Minister! Dzisiaj rozmawiamy na temat społecznych i gospodarczych konsekwencji dla Unii, ale nie powinniśmy mówić, jakie będą konsekwencje, tylko – jakie mogą być konsekwencje. Jeżeli mówimy o tym, jakie mogą być konsekwencje, to jest pytanie, co my jako Unia Europejska zrobimy, żeby zredukować negatywne konsekwencje o tyle, o ile jest to możliwe. Jakie my jesteśmy gotowi podjąć kroki?

Z zadowoleniem witamy kolejny pakiet sankcji, ale przecież musimy się zastanowić, w jaki sposób dalej ma funkcjonować Unia Europejska. W jaki sposób ma być zorganizowana, w jaki sposób ma być kierowana i w jaki sposób ma być finansowana?

Ponieważ jestem sprawozdawcą wieloletnich ram finansowych, chciałem zadać publicznie pytanie panu komisarzowi: Czy wieloletnie ramy finansowe, które dzisiaj mamy, są przygotowane, gotowe odpowiedzieć na wyzwania wojny? Czy to jest konstrukcja, która jest przygotowana na tego typu poważne kryzysy? Nie mówię tylko o tej wojnie, tylko o każdym poważnym kryzysie. Odpowiedź jest dosyć czytelna. To nie jest dobrze przygotowane, jeżeli chodzi o takie wyzwania. Musimy to zmienić. Parlament Europejski przygotowuje się w tej chwili do jednak wezwania i Komisji Europejskiej, i Rady do tego, żeby przystąpić do zmiany wieloletnich ram finansowych. Potrzebujemy innego typu mechanizmów.

To nie tylko chodzi o to, że potrzebujemy więcej pieniędzy. Nareszcie musimy przemyśleć pewne mechanizmy budżetowe. Budżet musi być bardziej elastyczny, musi być bardziej przygotowany na wyzwania. Budżet nie może odsyłać pieniędzy niewydanych do państw członkowskich, tylko musi je zostawić w budżecie. Mam nadzieję, że tym razem Rada to zrozumie. A więc musimy podjąć działania, a nie tylko mówić o tym, jakie będą konsekwencje.

  Marek Belka (S&D). – Panie Przewodniczący! Instynktowną reakcją wielu rządów na pędzącą inflację są manewry podatkowe mające dać wrażenie obniżek. Z ekonomicznego punktu widzenia takie działania przynieść mogą jednak skutki odwrotne, dodatkowo napędzić inflację i dać znaczące zyski wielkim graczom, a nie zwykłym ludziom.

W obliczu wyzwań, jakie postawiła przed nami agresja Rosji na wolną Ukrainę, czas na bardziej precyzyjne kroki. Oprócz kolejnych sankcji musimy zwiększyć presję podatkową na surowce energetyczne importowane z Rosji, przy tym pomagając najbardziej potrzebującym. Solidarność, o której tak wiele mówimy, musi być mierzona nie w słowach, a w euro. Postawmy sprawę jasno: Niemcy, Holandię i szereg innych krajów stać będzie na udzielenie pomocy swoim przedsiębiorstwom w przypadku ewentualnych strat, ale takich krajów członkowskich jest jednak niewiele, a atak Putina na Ukrainę zaboli wszystkich członków naszej wspólnoty.

W Polsce, z której pochodzę, pomocy uchodźcom udzielają głównie obywatele i samorządy. Wiedząc, że Krajowy Plan Odbudowy dla Polski jest wstrzymany, może warto pomyśleć o skierowaniu naszej pomocy tam, gdzie jest ona najpilniej potrzebna, czyli właśnie do wspólnot lokalnych i Polaków otwierających swoje domy ukraińskim sąsiadom. Bez naszego wsparcia ta pomoc nie będzie mogła trwać, a galopująca drożyzna tylko pogorszy sytuację rzeczywiście zaangażowanych. Solidarność od kilkunastu miesięcy odmieniamy przez wszystkie przypadki. W spontanicznych zrywach sprawdziliśmy się w ostatnich latach doskonale. Czas przejść do działań stałych, długofalowych i przemyślanych. Od tego zależy przyszłość projektu, który nazywamy Unią Europejską – naszym wspólnym domem.

Nawiążę do wystąpienia mojego poprzednika. Wojna w Ukrainie postawiła przed nami wielkie wyzwanie zasadniczej przebudowy ekonomicznego zarządzania w Unii Europejskiej. Next Generation EU to powinien być stały element. Powinniśmy tak pomyśleć nad przebudową paktu stabilności i wzrostu, żeby połączyć elastyczność z dyscypliną finansową.

  Sandra Kalniete (PPE). – Godātais sēdes vadītāj! Ukraina ir un būs piederīga Eiropai. Mums ir jāapzinās, ka kopš Krievijas iebrukuma Ukrainā Eiropa dzīvo kara ēnā, taču atšķirībā no ukraiņiem mēs esam drošībā, mūs nenogalina, nav jāslēpjas pagrabos no raķetēm un jābēg no mājām, tāpēc šķiet nepiedienīgi sūdzēties par inflācijas un dzīves dārdzības pieaugumu. Atteikšanās no dažām dzīves ērtībām ir mazākais, ko varam darīt, lai Ukraina uzvarētu karā un Eiropā atgrieztos ekonomiska normālība. Neviena no vadošajām Eiropas un pasaules finanšu institūcijām šobrīd neprognozē Eiropas Savienības ekonomikas recesiju. Pat pēc vissliktākā scenārija paredzams, ka inflācija grozīsies ap 2 %, turpretī Baltijas valstīs pašlaik tā ir ap 12 %. Iznāk, ka mazāk turīgo valstu iedzīvotāji kara dēļ šobrīd nes daudz lielāku nastu, nekā turīgās valstis. Jo ilgāks būs karš, jo vairāk būs cilvēku upuru, bēgļu un ekonomisko grūtību, tāpēc es apelēju pie Eiropas valstu valdībām rīkoties ātri un apņēmīgi, lai paātrinātu kara beigas. Lai uzvarētu, Ukrainai ir iespējami ātrāk jāpiegādā smagie ieroči pietiekamā daudzumā un jāapmāca karavīri tos lietot, kas jau notiek. Jāpastiprina Eiropas Savienības sankcijas pret Krieviju, tostarp nosakot pilnīgu naftas, ogļu, kodoldegvielas un gāzes embargo, un jāpārtrauc finansēt Kremļa kara mašīna. Ar lielām finanšu injekcijām ir jāpalīdz Ukrainas kara ekonomikai. Pēc Starptautiskā Valūtas fonda vērtējuma nākamajos trijos mēnešos katru mēnesi būs nepieciešami ap 5 miljardiem dolāru. Ir jādomā par nākotni. Starptautiskajai sabiedrībai, institūcijām ir jārada finanšu fonds kara izpostītās valsts atjaunošanai un jāsagatavo Ukraina dalībai Eiropas Savienībā. Katram eiropietim ir jāsaprot, ka Ukraina šajā karā nedrīkst zaudēt, jo Krievijas uzvara nozīmēs Eiropas sakāvi.

  Dolors Montserrat (PPE). – Señor presidente, mi primer mensaje es al pueblo ucraniano: estamos con vosotros.

De la pandemia a la guerra, las crisis se solapan y no dan un respiro a los europeos, a nuestras familias, los autónomos, los trabajadores, las pymes, la industria.

Los desorbitados precios de la energía han dejado al descubierto nuestras debilidades en un sector tan estratégico como es el energético. Hay que frenar estas subidas ya, bajando el IVA y los impuestos que gravan la electricidad y los carburantes.

Europa debe reducir su dependencia energética, diversificar las fuentes de suministro y fortalecer las interconexiones como el gasoducto STEP y el proyecto Midcat entre España y el resto de Europa.

Además, la guerra ha golpeado a nuestro mercado agroalimentario, pues Ucrania es el granero de Europa. No debemos dar por hecho el suministro y la seguridad alimentaria. Necesitamos abrirnos a otros mercados para garantizar que nuestro ganado se pueda alimentar. Necesitamos una PAC con menos restricciones y que garantice unos alimentos de calidad a precios razonables.

La inflación, el incremento de la factura de la luz y la subida de la cesta de la compra asfixian a millones de europeos. Con las cosas de comer no se juega.

La Comisión Europea hoy ha presentado un paquete con buenas medidas, pero, por ejemplo, la Comisión Europea todavía hoy no ha recibido la propuesta del Gobierno español para fijar un precio máximo al gas en la península ibérica. Un gobierno que ni escucha a la oposición ni ejecuta lo que promete y abandona a los españoles. España necesita menos propaganda gubernamental y más rigor. Los populares pedimos bajar impuestos, que los Fondos Europeos lleguen a la economía real y creen empleo, y reducir el gasto público superfluo del macrogobierno de España. Europa necesita gobiernos con presidentes que pongan el interés de sus ciudadanos por encima de los suyos.

Catch-the-eye procedure

  Andrius Kubilius (PPE). – Mr President, I would like first of all to congratulate and to thank the Commission President for this statement about sanctions and about Ukraine’s reconstruction package. It is our war, and we need to take care, first of all, of the biggest needs – and this is Ukraine.

We shall have problems also, but our economies will not go down by 50%. It is obvious that reconstruction after the war will demand a big amount of our money – hundreds of billions or even a trillion euros. However, it will also open up new opportunities, for both Ukraine and for the EU itself, for modernisation. Investments on such a scale will create new jobs.

We successfully invested a trillion euros in fighting the COVID-19 pandemic. Now it’s time to invest a trillion euros into the fight against the Kremlin’s fascism pandemic, for arms deliveries, for reconstruction, and for the mitigation of the consequences of the war on our side. We know how to do it.

Also, let us create a special fund for reconstruction of Ukraine until the end of June, when decisions on its candidate status will be made. Ukrainian victory is the only way for all of us to live in peace on the European continent. There is no way for a cheap peace.

  Margarida Marques (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Vice-Presidente, Senhora Ministra, na resposta europeia à crise COVID, os europeus sentiram que a União Europeia os protegia e lhes abria perspetivas. A criação do programa SURE ou do NextGenerationEU tornou bem visível o valor e a importância da União Europeia não só na proteção dos empregos, mas também no relançamento das economias europeias.

É esta decisão que os europeus esperam agora da União Europeia para responder aos impactos sociais e económicos da guerra e das sanções nas suas vidas, nos custos da energia, dos bens alimentares, no aprofundamento de uma autonomia estratégica que crie os instrumentos necessários. Por isso, esperamos que a Comissão Europeia proponha a criação de um programa e financiamento respetivo para a transição e a autonomia energéticas, mas também que compense o aumento dos custos da energia para as pessoas e para as empresas.

Esperamos o RepowerEU e esperamos também a criação do NextGenerationEU 2.0, que assegure o investimento que comece a ter um caráter permanente.

Finalmente, as novas prioridades não podem secundarizar os objetivos europeus na transição climática e na transição digital.

  Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Skutkiem społecznym i politycznym agresji Rosji na Ukrainę powinno być w pierwszej kolejności opadnięcie łusek z oczu tych polityków w Niemczech, Francji, Holandii czy Belgii, którzy uważali, że poprzez interesy z Putinem i napędzanie rosyjskiej machiny wojennej miliardami euro z rosyjskiego satrapy uda się stworzyć miłującego pokój demokratę.

Dziś czas na realne działania! Żadne górnolotne słowa, marsze, protesty czy rysowanie kredkami po chodnikach nie zatrzymają rosyjskiej agresji na Ukrainę, tylko twarde i konsekwentne sankcje. Całkowite odejście od rosyjskiego gazu i ropy. Solidarne wsparcie militarne dla Ukrainy – i mam tu na myśli ciężki sprzęt wojskowy, a nie zalegające w magazynach Bundeswehry niepotrzebne hełmy – może powstrzymać Putina.

Kolejnym niezwykle ważnym aspektem społecznym i politycznym agresji Rosji na Ukrainę musi być całkowita solidarność wszystkich państw członkowskich Unii. Z tymi państwami, które dziś wzięły na swoje barki ogromny wysiłek pomocy humanitarnej dla milionów ukraińskich uchodźców wojennych, takimi jak Słowacja, Czechy czy mój kraj, Polska. I dlatego wstydem jest, że do dziś Komisja Europejska nie skierowała do tych państw ani jednego euro pomocy.

My w Polsce nie tworzymy zamkniętych gett, nie mówimy o relokacji. Miliony Polaków przyjmują Ukraińców pod swój dach. Wykazujemy absolutną solidarność i oczekujemy, tak samo jak inne państwa Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, takiej solidarności ze strony Komisji Europejskiej.

  Mick Wallace (The Left). – Mr President, the social and economic consequences for the EU of the Russian war in Ukraine are immense. Ukraine, the EU and the Global South are the biggest losers in this war.

The impact on fuel, oil, energy and agriculture prices, the tightening supplies of food mean that many countries will be unable to pay their foreign debts. The euro has been undermined and we’re risking an EU-wide recession. But the US sees big opportunities.

US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen was crystal clear on this in her 13 April speech. She detailed how the US will use the IMF to provide conditional assistance to struggling states friendly to US geostrategic interests, while threatening sanctions against any countries thinking of continuing to do any business with Russia.

Pope Francis has come out and apportioned blame on NATO for the war and questioned the wisdom of supplying arms to Ukraine. NATO says they are ready to fuel the war for years. The US needs the war to reinforce their unipolar power, while Ukraine, the people of Europe and hundreds of millions in the Global South will pay the price.

  Eugen Tomac (PPE). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, peste 52 de miliarde de euro au plecat din Uniunea Europeană de la 1 ianuarie 2022 până la 1 mai anul acesta. Cred că această cifră spune totul, pentru că noi luăm petrol, gaze și cărbune din Rusia și, în schimbul acestor facilități comerciale, susținem o țară care nu mai respectă nicio regulă.

Tocmai de aceea salut sancțiunile noi anunțate astăzi de președinta Ursula von der Leyen, însă cred că nu este suficient. Trebuie să facem mai mult pentru a slăbi Rusia, pentru a-l convinge pe Putin să renunțe la acest război inutil, fără sens.

Cred că este important să sistăm importul de petrol, dar și mai important este să găsim soluții pentru a opri complet importul de gaz și să susținem statele, astfel încât să poată rezista oricăror provocări pe viitor.

Mai mult decât atât, peste cinci milioane de cetățeni ai Ucrainei și-au părăsit casele și sunt astăzi în Uniunea Europeană. Sper ca la viitoarea plenară, Ursula von der Leyen să ne anunțe că s-a creat un fond pentru refugiați. Sunt cinci milioane de cetățeni care așteaptă un suport concret din partea Uniunii Europene.

Statele membre au făcut tot ceea ce au putut în această situație de criză, dar de acum încolo trebuie să acționăm instituțional, să îi susținem pe oameni, să îi integrăm în societățile noastre, până când vom fi capabili să mergem acolo, în Ucraina, să o reconstruim, după ce se va încheia acest război absurd. Ei au nevoie de casele lor, ei au nevoie de o perspectivă europeană și doar împreună o putem construi, prin acțiuni concrete, implementate imediat.

  Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, stimați colegi, aveam mari așteptări la dezbaterea de astăzi pentru că tema era consecințele asupra Uniunii Europene. Din păcate, doamna Președintă nu ne-a prezentat consecințele.

Eu o să vorbesc în numele unei țări care a fost în prima linie, România. Cetățenii din România mă întreabă: totuși, ei au fost ospitalieri, generoși, au primit refugiații și este normal să fim solidari. Problema este că ce împart românii? Împart veniturile cele mai mici din Uniunea Europeană, împart sărăcia cu refugiații? Ce se întâmplă?

Bugetul României este alocat, sigur, pentru a ajuta și refugiații. Dar ce face Uniunea Europeană? A sprijinit concret statele membre, Polonia, România, Slovacia, Slovenia, Cehia, care au primit cei mai mulți refugiați? Nu. Care sunt consecințele asupra Uniunii Europene? Faptul că scade creșterea economică, faptul că sunt spulberate IMM-urile, faptul că sunt decapitalizate IMM-urile.

Nu este cazul, Comisia să regândească toate planurile pe care le-am avut? Sigur, cu ambiții, cu responsabilitate, dar acum suntem în alt context.

Domnule comisar, dacă întrebați un mic întreprinzător, el își schimbă planul de afaceri când factori externi influențează. Și Uniunea Europeană, și noi trebuie să ne schimbăm, pentru că altfel vom distruge economia interioară.

Toate lanțurile de aprovizionare au fost fracturate. Degeaba avem o strategie de reindustrializare, degeaba avem planuri pe hârtie. Dacă în mod concret cetățenii nu sunt ajutați, sărăcesc mai departe și nu pot să le crească veniturile, dacă companiile, dacă întreprinderile mici și mijlocii nu vor avea șanse să își revină după dubla criză, criza pandemică și iată, acum, criza din război.

Așadar eu în numele românilor vă cer, să știți, ei nu trăiesc, nu se încălzesc, nu se hrănesc din mulțumirile noastre. Ei așteaptă măsuri concrete.

Și aștept, domnule comisar, în răspunsul dumneavoastră, să ne spuneți ce veți face concret, pentru ca, într-adevăr, a diminua consecințele războiului asupra Uniunii Europene.

  Angelika Niebler (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissionsvertreter, meine lieben Kolleginnen und Kollegen! 70 Tage dauert dieser fürchterliche Krieg nun schon, der so unendliches Leid und Zerstörung bringt. Ich denke, wir müssen wirklich alles machen, um diesen Krieg so schnell wie möglich zu beenden. Und damit ist es auch notwendig, den Druck auf Putin wo immer möglich zu erhöhen.

Ich begrüße ausdrücklich das sechste Sanktionspaket. Ich glaube, es ist ein wuchtiger Aufschlag – zum einen, dass die Sberbank jetzt auch vom SWIFT-Zahlungssystem ausgeschlossen wird, und das Ölembargo, so wie es jetzt vorgesehen ist, ist, glaube ich, der richtige Schritt.

Natürlich müssen wir uns überlegen, welche Auswirkungen, Konsequenzen diese fürchterliche Situation in der Ukraine auch auf uns hat; und da bin ich bei der Vorrednerin, ehrlich gesagt. Jeder ist betroffen, wir haben Preisexplosionen ohne Ende, die Energiepreise steigen, wir haben eine riesige, galoppierende Inflation, und wir müssen auch auf europäischer Ebene, finde ich, noch weit mehr machen und reagieren.

Das Leben unserer Bürgerinnen und Bürger in der ganzen Europäischen Union muss bezahlbar bleiben. Ich denke, die Mitgliedstaaten haben da eine große Verantwortung, haben auch schon viel unternommen: Mehrwertsteuer runter, Abgaben runter, Zuschüsse geben, wo es notwendig ist. Ich glaube, das ist in dieser Krisensituation wirklich erforderlich.

Ich denke, wir müssen auch noch einmal überlegen, wo wir Mittel umstrukturieren können, um vor Ort zu unterstützen und zu helfen. Und auch der Europäischen Zentralbank kommt eine wichtige Aufgabe zu. Also, Preisstabilität ist die Aufgabe der EZB, und sie muss ihrer Verantwortung jetzt wirklich mal gerecht werden und auch an der Zinsschraube drehen, wie das auch die Fed in den USA gemacht hat.

Wir müssen unsere Unternehmen, unsere Betriebe, vor allem unseren gesunden Mittelstand entlasten, wo wir ihn nur entlasten können. Wir müssen sicherstellen, dass die Versorgungssicherheit garantiert wird – es ist angesprochen worden – mit Blick auf die Stabilisierung unserer Energieversorgung, Rohstoffe, Lebensmittel. Da ist ja schon einiges passiert, dass Brachflächen jetzt auch bewirtschaftet werden können, und ich glaube, das ist genau der richtige Weg, und in dem Sinne müssen wir weitermachen.

Also bitte, Kommission, auch den Blick auf unsere Situation vor Ort hier in der Europäischen Union lenken.

  Κώστας Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, τα περί αλληλεγγύης και ενιαίας απάντησης στον ρωσικό εκβιασμό και οι ασάφειες σκοπιμότητας δεν μπορούν να κρύψουν τις σφοδρές αντιθέσεις στο εσωτερικό της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης ανάμεσα στις κυβερνήσεις. Όλα τα σενάρια υπαγορεύονται από την ευρωενωσιακή στρατηγική της απελευθέρωσης της ενέργειας, της πράσινης μετάβασης, της απολιγνιτοποίησης και του χρηματιστηρίου των ρύπων, που είχαν εκτινάξει τις τιμές και την ενεργειακή φτώχεια μήνες προ του πολέμου και τα υπηρέτησαν όλες οι κυβερνήσεις και στην Ελλάδα.

Πίσω από τις φιέστες της ελληνικής κυβέρνησης και τον τερματικό σταθμό αεριοποίησης στην Αλεξανδρούπολη, που αποτελεί και στρατιωτικό ορμητήριο του ιμπεριαλιστικού πολέμου, βρίσκεται η αντικατάσταση του ρωσικού αερίου από πανάκριβο, αμερικανικό υγροποιημένο φυσικό αέριο, φέρνοντας μεγάλα κέρδη και στους μεταφορείς Έλληνες εφοπλιστές. Όλοι αυτοί οι σχεδιασμοί και οι αλλεπάλληλες κυρώσεις προϋποθέτουν βαρύ λογαριασμό για τον λαό και νέα κέρδη για τα μονοπώλια, τη στιγμή μάλιστα που πυκνώνουν διεθνώς οι ανησυχίες των επιτελείων της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και του Διεθνούς Νομισματικού Ταμείου για επικείμενη νέα περιδίνηση σε καπιταλιστική κρίση. Μόνη διέξοδος ο λαϊκός αγώνας για ουσιαστικά μέτρα ανακούφισης, κατάργησης των έμμεσων φόρων του χρηματιστηρίου της ενέργειας, άμεσης και πλήρους επαναλειτουργίας των λιγνιτικών μονάδων, με απόσυρση από τις κυρώσεις προς τη Ρωσία.

  Michael Gahler (PPE). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wer schnell hilft, hilft doppelt. Deswegen ist auch der Zeitplan des Europäischen Parlaments bei der Verhängung der Sanktionen ambitionierter als der des Rates. Ich begrüße ausdrücklich das, was die Kommissionspräsidentin heute als sechstes Paket vorgelegt hat. Aber nach Auffassung des Parlaments sollte auch das Ölembargo jetzt kommen.

Die Kommission sollte sich nicht erschöpfen in der Rolle, den kleinsten gemeinsamen Nenner des Rates zu notifizieren. Gemeinsam könnten Kommission und Europäisches Parlament den Rat zu einem ambitionierteren Zeitplan treiben. Wenn wir dem menschenverachtenden faschistischen Regime in Moskau schneller den Geldhahn abdrehen, dann erhöht sich auch die Wahrscheinlichkeit, den Krieg schneller zu beenden.

Die Mehrkosten für das Öl, das auf dem Weltmarkt vorhanden ist, sollten wir gemeinsam tragen. Dauert der Krieg länger, haben wir die höheren Kosten bei den Waffenlieferungen, bei der Versorgung der Flüchtlinge, bei den Kosten des Wiederaufbaus und bei einer stärkeren Rezession als Kriegsfolge, und das sollten wir auch mit einrechnen in die gesamte Überlegung.

Ich finde, die Kommission sollte auch gemeinsam mit der Präsidentschaft sehr kreativ allen Mitgliedstaaten dabei behilflich sein, jetzt auch eine Verkürzung der Frist bis zum Ölembargo aufzuzeigen. Es gibt auf dem Weltmarkt, wie gesagt, genug, aber vielleicht ist nicht jedes Mitgliedsland in der Lage, sich dieser Dinge dann auch zu bemächtigen. Und deswegen hoffe ich, dass man den Zeitplan auf jeden Fall verkürzen kann.

Die Forderung des Parlaments, auch aus dem letzten Plenum, ist allerdings, dass das Ölembargo jetzt kommen sollte. Dann hilft es besser in der Verkürzung des Krieges, nicht erst im Herbst. Und damit helfen wir auch unseren ukrainischen Freunden, die hier einen existenziellen Kampf führen. Slawa Ukrajini!

(Ende der spontanen Wortmeldungen)

  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, Minister Klinkert, honourable Members of the European Parliament, many of you clearly stated that ‘those with the broadest shoulders should carry the biggest load.’ I think that was a quote from Ms Jongerius, but I very much felt the same attitude from most of the honourable Members who intervened this morning.

And I think that I am totally in agreement with Ms de Lange who said that ‘thanks to the support of this House, the EU is indeed a leading force in helping Ukraine to defend itself and in making sure that Russia pays an exorbitant political and economic price for this atrocious war’.

Our major leverage is our political European unity, which is forged in debates like this, but also our economic strength, which allows us to proceed with tough, unprecedented sanctions, which hurt aggressors more and more.

Today we proceed with the 6th package of sanctions, and I would like to thank you for your encouragement, for your support, because to quote Mr Garicano and Mr Gahler just a minute ago, ‘banning oil imports from Russia seemed too difficult just a few weeks ago’. Today we are proceeding. Today we are doing just that and we make sure that it would proceed in a concerted way to have every single government on board. And, as you know, this is not an easy task, but we are working on this unity, and I am very encouraged by the support here in this House and by the discussions we have with our Member States.

I think Mr Marques has underscored in a very able way that political unity indeed is our major strength and economic power is our major leverage. Several honourable Members – Mr Fernández, Mr Schirdewan and many others – are rightly reminding us that our unprecedented sanctions affect our citizens and businesses in Europe as well. And I want to reassure you that we in the Commission are also very much concerned by the high energy prices and we are looking into all opportunities on how to tackle them and how to use all the possibilities we have at our disposal. And we will come up with some proposals and solutions under our REPowerEU plan, which we will present to you in the coming days. It will still be in this month in May.

We are, of course, looking at other possibilities how to help economically and financially our Member States and our citizens. Mr Belka and Mr Olbrycht have been asking the question: ‘is our budget fit for war?’ Of course, it was prepared in different times, under different circumstances, but at the same time we have to act and we have to play with the cards we have through the budgetary means, which are at our disposal. And, therefore, I thought that I would bring some figures to you because through you I believe we can communicate directly also with our citizens and with our Member States.

So far, we have 22 out of 27 recovery plans in place and we have disbursed already EUR 70 billion to our Member States. We hope that in the coming days and weeks we will be able to reach the mark of EUR 100 billion, which will be dispensed under our recovery plans. And as I’m sure you know – and the rapporteur knows these figures by heart – almost EUR 180 billion, EUR 177 billion precisely, is geared towards climate goals, which, of course, today are a purpose for making sure that we would lower our dependence on Russia. We would increase the proportion of renewable energy in our systems and in that way, subsequently lower the prices.

Having mentioned all these figures, I also would like to underline that EUR 220 billion of loans are still available. There is still this huge envelope, which we want to use, and we are exploring all the possibilities with the Member States how to do that. And this goes into the direction of what Ms Niebler said that we have to repurpose, to redirect the means we have currently available.

On top of this, as Ms Katainen was highlighting, we also identified EUR 17 billion of post-pandemic Cohesion Funds, which are still produced. And we proceeded very quickly just to avoid the situation that this money, which is so badly needed, would be returned back to the Member States. And we introduced the utmost flexibility on urgent needs to support exactly what Ms García Pérez and many others have been asking: how we can support the Member States with the highest number of refugees like Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia – and also many others with housing, with education, healthcare and childcare.

Just from the top of my head – we will be of course very happy to provide more precise figures – I think Poland got more than EUR 288 million from the EUR 17 billion package. I mean, there was a quite significant sum going to Slovakia, I’m sure too Romania, but I understand that what we need here is a little bit more clarity and transparency and therefore they are going to prepare the table where we will see what is the overall fund, what are the disbursed amounts for each Member States and what is still available so we can all work with the concrete figures to make it more user-friendly.

Thanks to Elisa Ferreira and my colleague, they established a one-stop-shop and a special task force, which can give advice to the Member States on how they can repurpose and reuse their money. And I hope that this would make it much faster and easier to use for our Member States. And I just want to pass this message also through you so that the Member States are aware and are, I would say, ready to check what is available from the budgetary means we have.

Of course I totally agree with all of you that if it comes to the overall, let’s hope as soon as possible, post-war recovery for Ukraine, I’m absolutely sure that Europe will be a leading force and will lead the effort here as well, but is also very clear that these needs would be enormous.

We are talking about hundreds of billions of euros and therefore we are already now approaching G7 Member States, the IMF, the World Bank, different international financial institutions, because it will have to be indeed a collective effort.

But I agree with all of you who underscored in this debate that there is no price tag if it comes to freedom, if it comes to liberty, if it comes to democracy. And I am absolutely sure that the Ukrainian people, first and foremost, but also Europe, will rise to the challenge to rebuild a free, democratic and prosperous Ukraine.

  Brigitte Klinkert, présidente en exercice du Conseil. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Vice-président de la Commission, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, merci pour ce débat important et riche.

Sur Schengen, en réponse à Mme García Pérez, je tiens à vous assurer que la présidence française entreprendra tous les efforts pour contribuer au fonctionnement complet de la zone sans contrôles aux frontières intérieures. Nous saluons également les efforts de la Roumanie et de la Bulgarie dans l’aide apportée aux réfugiés ukrainiens.

Sur les salaires minimums, en réponse à M. Satouri, je peux vous assurer de la détermination de la présidence française à parvenir à un accord avec le Parlement européen. Un trilogue aura d’ailleurs lieu encore cette semaine.

Mesdames, Messieurs les députés, la réaction européenne à la crise humanitaire causée par cette guerre, ainsi que l’ampleur et la rapidité de mise en œuvre des mesures multiples démontrent que notre Union est plus soudée que jamais. Tous les États membres, sans exception, ont montré une grande solidarité envers les millions de personnes qui ont fui le conflit en participant activement à plusieurs niveaux à cet effort commun. Bien évidemment, il reste encore beaucoup à faire pour limiter les retombées sur nos économies, nos marchés du travail et nos société et pour consolider une croissance inclusive et durable. Personne ne doit se sentir délaissé en Europe.

Permettez-moi de souligner notre détermination commune, institutions et États membres, à soutenir les plus vulnérables et les plus touchés par les conséquences de ce conflit. Le Conseil, avec le Parlement et avec la Commission est prêt à apporter sa contribution pour faire face à ces enjeux majeurs.

Je vous remercie une nouvelle fois pour ce débat et vous remercie pour votre attention.

  Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet während der nächsten Tagung statt.

Die Sitzung ist für wenige Minuten unterbrochen; sie wird um 11.00 Uhr wieder aufgenommen.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 171)

  Атидже Алиева-Вели (Renew), в писмена форма. – Руското посегателство в Украйна изправи Европа пред икономически шок с неопределена продължителност и мащаб. За огромно съжаление войната продължава и е предпоставка за тежка хуманитарна криза, засягаща милиони хора. Съюзът не е безучастен към този процес. Пакетите от санкции са ясен знак за позицията на ЕС и той няма да спре да отстоява своите ценности. Пакетите от санкции засягат всички граждани и бизнеса на ЕС. Нужни са амбициозни инструменти в тяхна подкрепа. Сега е моментът, в който ЕС трябва да разгърне целия си потенциал и да покаже, че си е научил уроците от предходните кризи. Това несъмнено ни изправя пред трудни решения. Вярвам, че е изключително важно да имаме реален поглед върху фактите, да ги анализираме правилно, за да можем да осигурим ефективното разпределение и използване на ресурсите. Животът в Съюза трябва да бъде защитен. Трябва да се намери начин, за да се намали енергийната зависимост на ЕС от руските доставки. България също е от страните, в които газовите доставки от Русия бяха прекъснати. Нужно е час по-скоро да реагираме със социални и икономически мерки в отговор на войната в Украйна.

  Andrus Ansip (Renew), kirjalikult. – Me tahame, et Ukraina võidaks selle sõja. Pärast sõda tuleb aidata Ukraina üles ehitada. Ukrainat tuleb igati toetada. Ukraina kaupade impordile tuleb kaotada tollid. Toetan Euroopa Komisjoni esitatud kuuendat Venemaa vastaste sanktsioonide paketti.

  Marc Botenga (The Left), schriftelijk. – De overgrote meerderheid van het Parlement, waarvan ik geen deel uitmaak, vroeg een maand geleden om een onmiddellijk gas- en olie-embargo tegen Rusland, zonder daarbij rekening te houden met de gevolgen daarvan voor Europeanen. Het is duidelijk dat een dergelijk embargo enorme economische en sociale gevolgen zou hebben.

De inflatie in Europa wordt nog verder opgedreven door de escalatie van de oorlog, de sancties en de tegensancties. Terwijl Europa debatteert over een zesde sanctiepakket, horen we van de Russische oppositie dat de sancties Poetin zelf niet treffen, en zien we dat de sancties geen einde hebben gemaakt aan de oorlog. Ondertussen moeten Europeanen in hun auto slapen omdat ze bang zijn voor de brandstofkosten van hun woon-werkverkeer. Pendelen is een luxe geworden. De werkende klasse in de EU lijkt de sancties paradoxaal genoeg meer te voelen dan Poetin.

Tegelijkertijd maken energie-, wapen- en agromultinationals steeds meer winst. Dit moet afgelopen zijn. We moeten snel een einde maken aan de oorlog door middel van een groot diplomatiek initiatief. We moeten bovendien de koopkracht van onze werkende klasse beschermen. Dit is immers wat mensen van de EU verwachten; geen holle retoriek die niemand helpt en de situatie enkel verder doet escaleren.

  Enikő Győri (NI), írásban. – Az Ukrajna elleni orosz agresszió elfogadhatatlan. Rendkívül fontos, hogy segítsünk a megtámadott ország szenvedőinek. A humanitárius segítségnyújtásban Magyarország lakosságaranyosan élen jár, folyamatosan gondoskodik a hozzánk érkező menekültekről. Mindez viszont nem jelentheti azt, hogy a háború oltárán az európai gazdaságot is fel kellene áldozni. Rémisztő megfigyelni, ahogy Európa önvédelmi reflexei fokozatosan eltűnnek. Nem lehet nem látni, hogy Putyin felkeszült a háborúra, beleértve egy esetleges európai olaj- és gázembargót is. Úgy tűnik, hogy az USA és az EU nem tudta bezárni a gyűrűt az agresszor körül. A fosszilis energiahordozók embargója rajtunk sokkal nagyobbat ütne, mint Oroszországon. Ráadásul egy ilyen szankció trükközésre késztetné a tagállamokat a túlélés érdekében, ami valójában az álszentség intézményesítését jelentené. Valóban ezt akarjuk az Európai Unióban? Egy 12 hónapos teljes orosz olaj- és gázembargó az IMF szerint 3%-os GDP visszaesést okozna az EU-ban 2023-ban. Tovább rontaná az ellátóláncokban jelenleg is fennálló zavart, miközben a nyersanyagárak elszálltak, az inflációs nyomás tartósan magas. Egy európai recessziót is kockáztatni akarunk? Egy ilyen szcenárió ráadásul a monetáris politikák további szigorítását idézné elő globálisan, ez pedig jelentősen visszavetné a beruházási és befektetési tevékenységet, amelyre oly nagy szüksége lenne a COVID-válság után magához térő Uniónak.

  Lívia Járóka (NI), írásban. – Az ukrán-orosz háború sürgető intézkedéseket kíván az EU intézményeitől. A menekülteket tekintve elsősorban a gyerekek, nők és az idős korosztály a leginkább érintett. Fontos számukra, hogy a fogadó országokban méltányos, biztonságos környezetben és eljárásban részesüljenek. A sokszor a társadalom perifériájáról érkező, menekülni kényszerülő roma közösségek tagjai kiemelt figyelmet érdemelnek, hiszen a nemzetiségi és etnikai hovatartozásuk miatti diszkriminációnak való kitettségük okán mélyen érintettek a megkülönböztetés különböző formáiban. Így felhívjuk a figyelmet, hogy a különböző integrációs, hátránykompenzációs intézkedések specifikus megközelítést igényelnek. Az oktatás, lakhatás, egészségügy és foglalkoztatás vetületeit összehangolva, a közösségek sajátosságait figyelembe véve kell kezelni. Fontos, hogy a fogadó országok olyan innovatív befogadó programokat támogassanak, mely az egyének szociális biztonságát megteremteni és a beilleszkedésüket elősegíti képesek. Az inklúzió és a sokszínűség, mely alapértéke Uniónknak, nem lehetnek a jövőben többé üres frázisok. Programjainkat meg kell tölteni olyan lehetőségekkel és reformokkal, melyek egyszerre és prosperálóan hatnak tagállamainkra, intézményeinkre, közösségeinkre és az egyénre is. A romák oktatásba és gazdaságba való beintegrálása közös érdekünk kell, hogy legyen! Tagállami szinten így fókuszba kell állítani a menekülő, és kiemelten a menekülni kényszerült kisebbségi csoportok beemelését oktatási rendszereinkbe és munkaerőpiacainkra. Mindehhez azonban összehangolt uniós elhatározás és precízen végrehajtható, mérhető és teljesíthető célszámokat kell meghatároznunk, lehetőleg minél előbb!

  Alfred Sant (S&D), in writing. – Sanctions on Russia have not yet reached their full impact, just like they are still not fully impacting EU Member States. The challenge is to prepare for the turmoil ahead. By choosing to counter the Ukraine invasion with economic sanctions, one could not expect to succeed in the short run, when the state against which sanctions are being enforced is prepared to bear a 20% decline in national income or more. Meanwhile, European governments face a decline in their national income by at least 2%. They will seek to cushion the shocks, especially on the low income strata of their populations. In doing so, they should not allow free market hang—ups to blur their interventions. Second—round effects of the war will entail higher energy costs, fiscal impacts, cyberattacks and disruption of supply chains as we head towards an 8% to 22% increase in food prices alone over the next two years. This will undermine social and financial stability in the EU. Coordination between Member States of national support plans will be of paramount importance. The EU can make a substantial difference with common purchases to obtain prices that are more advantageous from suppliers. The model being discussed in the case of gas and hydrogen could be extended to food.

  Henna Virkkunen (PPE), kirjallinen. – On hyvä, että komissio nyt viimein esittää Venäjä-pakotteiden ulottamista öljyyn. Esitystä on pyöritetty jo liian monta viikkoa. Ehdotettu 6–7 kuukauden siirtymäaika öljyn tuontikieltoon on varsin pitkä. Päätös pitäisi saada nyt nopeasti voimaan. Tiedän että ongelma on, etteivät kaikki jäsenmaat tahdo hyväksyä energiasanktioita omista itsekkäistä syistään. Se on todella lyhytnäköistä. On selvää, että energian tuonnin lopettaminen iskee meihin, mutta niin iskee myös tämä sota ja paljon kovemmin. Venäjän öljytulot on katkaistava.

Hyvä, että komissio nyt lopulta esittää myös Venäjän toiseksi suurimman pankin Sperbankin irrottamista Swiftistä. Se ei kuitenkaan vielä riitä, vaan sama on ulotettava myös Gazprombankiin.

On oikein, että Butšan sotarikoksista ja Mariupolin piirityksestä vastuussa olevat henkilöt lisättiin pakotelistalle ja konsulttipalvelujen tarjoaminen kiellettiin venäläisyrityksille. Kolmea venäläistä valtionkanavaa kielletään myös lähettämästä lähetyksiä EU:ssa. Hyvä, sillä meidän on torjuttava valeuutisia ja Putinin propagandaa.

Komissio on tehnyt perusteellista työtä kuudennen pakotepaketin kanssa. Nämä sanktiot on saatava nyt nopeasti voimaan, sillä Putin on pysäytettävä. Samaan aikaan meidän on autettava Ukrainaa entistä enemmän. Arvioiden mukaan se tarvitsee joka kuukausi viisi miljardia euroa tukea selvitäkseen välttämättömistä menoista ja tähän päälle tietenkin merkittävä materiaalinen ja aseapu.

  Anna Zalewska (ECR), na piśmie. – Wojna Putina przyniosła Ukrainie ogromne straty, wstępnie szacowane na 600 mld USD, nie licząc Mariupola. Sankcje demokratycznego świata sprawiły, że rosyjska gospodarka skurczyła się o około 15%.

Wojna w Ukrainie ma także ogromny wpływ na świat i UE. Po pierwsze, ze względu na naszą zależność od rosyjskiej ropy i gazu, w tym roku czeka nas 1,5-krotne zwiększenie inflacji. Oznacza to spadek inwestycji i eksportu, niższy wzrost PKB, erozję konsumpcji gospodarstw domowych. Po raz kolejny pokazuje to, że UE musi zdywersyfikować dostawy, zmniejszyć zużycie energii oraz odejść od dotychczasowej polityki klimatycznej.

Po drugie, wojna to także ogromne koszty humanitarne, zwłaszcza dla krajów sąsiadujących z Ukrainą. Od 24 lutego z Ukrainy uciekło już około 5 mln osób. To znacznie więcej niż roczny napływ osób ubiegających się o azyl w UE w szczytowym momencie syryjskiego kryzysu uchodźczego. Dlatego musimy odnowić naszą wspólną politykę azylową i migracyjną. Musimy jak najszybciej wesprzeć finansowo kraje takie jak Polska, Słowacja czy Węgry.

Po trzecie, Ukraina i Rosja są dużymi eksporterami kluczowych artykułów spożywczych: 30% światowego eksportu pszenicy i 20% kukurydzy. Jako świat nie jesteśmy na to gotowi. Jeśli nie uczynimy wszystkiego, co w naszej mocy, aby zatrzymać Putina, czeka nas głód, skrajne ubóstwo i wzrost przestępczości. Musimy być solidarni, musimy stać ramię w ramię z Ukrainą i krajami frontowymi niosącymi nieocenioną pomoc uciekającym przed wojną.

  Carlos Zorrinho (S&D), por escrito. – Os impactos socioeconómicos da invasão da Ucrânia estão a ser cada vez mais profundos e transversais, não afetando apenas a União Europeia, mas todo o mundo, incidindo nas populações, nos territórios, nas economias e nas sociedades mais vulneráveis e afetando o sistema global, as suas estruturas e as suas cadeias de sustentabilidade. Da boa gestão dos impactos dependerá em larga medida o resultado final da agressão da Federação Russa à soberania da Ucrânia e ao Direito Internacional.

Sendo necessário resistir e apoiar as pessoas em concreto no que diz respeito aos efeitos da inflação, ao aumento dos preços da energia e dos bens essenciais, ao acolhimento de refugiados ou à defesa contra a informação manipulada, esse apoio deve combinar resistência e transformação.

O agendamento deste debate com resolução é de enorme oportunidade. A resolução não se deve limitar a enunciar respostas de emergência que, sendo necessárias, não dão a resposta total ao desafio. A resolução aprovada deve ser também um programa político de afirmação do projeto europeu, redefinido e reforçado para fazer face às novas ameaças e concretizando uma agenda progressista de transformação, para consolidar a União Europeia no quadro do conflito e no quadro global.

(Die Sitzung wird um 10.48 Uhr unterbrochen.)

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. PINA PICIERNO
Vicepresidente