Acta literal de los debates

Lunes 6 de junio de 2022 - Estrasburgo

17. La Unión y los desafíos en materia de seguridad en la región del Indopacífico (debate)

  Predsedajúci. – Ďalším bodom programu rokovania je správa, ktorú predkladá David McAllister v mene Výboru pre zahraničné veci, o EÚ a bezpečnostných výzvach v indicko-tichomorskom regióne (2021/2232(INI)) (A9-0085/2022).

  David McAllister, rapporteur. – Mr President, the Indo-Pacific has become one of the centres of geopolitical gravity and a rallying point for many global players. Its growing economic, demographic and political weight makes it an increasingly important region in shaping the international order. Therefore, the European Union must increase its efforts and step up its strategic engagement with the region.

Last year, first the Council adopted conclusions on an EU strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific, and then the High Representative presented a communication in September last year which reflects the European Union's efforts and ambitions. Tomorrow, we are going to vote in this plenary on the report on the security challenges in the Indo-Pacific. This report, from my point of view, assesses the EU strategy with regard to the security dimension, taking into account national strategies and new developments. Generally, my report focuses on four parts that are of key importance.

First, in security and defence for unity among Member States will be key for the EU to assert effectively our presence in the Indo-Pacific and to achieve the ambition of strategic sovereignty amidst the increasing competition among global and regional powers in the region. In the absence of an overarching security architecture in the Indo-Pacific, the European Union should concentrate its efforts on maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific for all and on promoting an open and rules-based regional security architecture.

Second, our united approach to the region must also go hand-in-hand with targeted actions aimed at building strong partnerships and security cooperation with Indo-Pacific countries and regional cooperation forums. To do so, we should build on a vast network of trade, partnership and cooperation agreements concluded with a large number of regional countries in the past. A close coordination with our partners in the region is especially important in order to tackle the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine.

The third point: Europe and the countries of the Indo-Pacific share increasingly similar challenges in a number of other security-related areas, such as cyber security, terrorism and non-proliferation. As all these challenges directly affect the EU's own security and prosperity, we need to address them in close cooperation and coordination with regional partners. A particular focus should be given to our key partners and like-minded democracies. Let me name Japan, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand.

Last but not least, the report highlights the necessity to tackle maritime security, cyber, air and space, as well as non-traditional security challenges.

To conclude, let me thank the shadow rapporteurs from all the different political groups and also the team of the High Representative for a really good, constructive and fruitful cooperation on where drafting and working on this report.

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, honourable Members, I replace the High Representative Vice-President Josep Borrell for this debate and make the following statement on his behalf. Let me thank Rapporteur McAllister and all MEPs who have contributed to this report.

I fully share the views expressed in the report that the EU has a vital geopolitical and economic interest in the stability and prosperity of the Indo-Pacific region. Europe and the Indo-Pacific region are highly interconnected. What happens in the Indo-Pacific has important implications for Europe and vice versa. The region produces 60% of global GDP and is the second largest destination of EU exports. Together, the Indo-Pacific and Europe account for over 70% of global trade in goods and services and over 60% of foreign direct investment flows.

At the same time, a new centre of global competition has emerged in the Indo-Pacific, adding to increasing tensions on trade and supply chains. We live in an era of strategic rivalries and complex security threats. Military spending in the region has risen like nowhere else in the world. The display of force and increasing tensions in regional hotspots, such as in the South and East China Sea and in the Taiwan Strait, may have a direct impact on Europe’s security and prosperity. Today, the EU and its Indo-Pacific partners are facing similar challenges. Hybrid and cyber security threats. Disinformation and weaponisation of economic independence.

The EU values-driven approach seeking cooperation beyond geopolitical divides and great power rivalries make us a reliable partner, including with the ASEAN, in navigating and supporting regional stability in the Indo-Pacific. Through its Indo-Pacific strategy, the EU will seek to enhance regional security that is open and based on the rule of law, including secure sea routes and enhanced naval presence in the Indo-Pacific.

In February, we announced the extension of the concept of coordinated maritime presence, the so-called CMP, to the North-Western Indian Ocean. This extension would allow the optimisation of the use of assets that EU Member States are deploying in the region. In line with the EU Indo-Pacific strategy, the strategic compass is very clear about the willingness to build sustainable and proactive partnerships to enhance our presence in this region.

The war in Ukraine has also redefined the EU’s global geopolitical role, including in this region. As your report highlighted in the wake of the Ukraine war, the EU’s Indo-Pacific strategy is more relevant than ever. It is also more relevant than ever to maintain a free and open Indo-Pacific for all, while building strong and lasting partnerships. Our approach is one of cooperation, not confrontation. Our commitment to the Indo-Pacific region is inclusive of all partners wishing to cooperate with the EU. We will deepen our engagement with the like-minded partners that already have Indo-Pacific approaches of their own.

Let me conclude by welcoming the High-Level Dialogue on the Indo-Pacific that will be organised on 13 and 14 June by the upcoming Czech Presidency of the Council. Thank you very much for your attention.

  Attila Ara-Kovács, a S&D képviselőcsoport nevében. – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Mindenekelőtt szeretnék gratulálni McAllister úrnak a jelentéshez! Példamutatóan kiváló munkát tett le az asztalra.

Az orosz háború megváltoztatta az egész geopolitikai helyzetet a világban. Fel kell készülnünk, hogy ami Ukrajnával történt, könnyen megtörténhet másutt is. Így mondjuk Tajvanon vagy egyebütt. Az ilyen helyzetekre adott válaszokból az EU sem maradhat ki, tekintettel hatalmi érdekeinkre és a transzatlanti elkötelezettségeinkre.

A jelentés elkészítése során igyekeztünk figyelembe venni az említett új geopolitikai realitás következményeit. Ezek a válságos helyzetek szorosabb együttműködést követelnek a tagállamoktól annak érdekében, hogy az Unió határozottabban tudjon fellépni és megerősödve kerüljön ki belőlük. Amely tagállamok pedig tagadják ennek szükségességét, azok elszigetelik magukat Európán belül. Az Uniónak erre, vagyis az efféle belső kihívásokra is erőteljes válaszokat kell találnia.

  Dragoş Tudorache, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, the world was already split before the war in Ukraine. Democracies respecting a rules-based world order on one side are increasingly at odds with autocracies with no regard to international law, territorial integrity, no consideration for human lives or basic rights and freedoms. But we still operate on the world scene with the naive impression that trade and economic interdependencies are sufficient for maintaining regional stability or global security. So we remain ambivalent. We spoke softly against those disregarding our values, against human rights abuses by countries with which we did good business, or against forced labour as an economic growth model. With this report, we are sending a wake-up call. We must stop being ambivalent in the Indo-Pacific. That means taking sides, pursuing our strategic interests, and being outspoken against breaches of our values. On one hand, we must stand much closer by democratic allies in the Indo-Pacific. And we have many. We must support their drive for democracy, for prosperity and for stability in the region even more. And on the other hand, we must look the reality of our relations with China in the eye. Pretending there is no war in Ukraine or continuing trade with Moscow is something we must disentangle from all broad economic interactions. That is what being geopolitical is all about.

  Alviina Alametsä, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, what is the role of EU in and with the Indo-Pacific region? I believe that the EU has to participate not only in the economic but also in the political arena, helping to contribute to the stability, development and security of the whole region. We need to have strong cooperation between democracies, aspiring democracies and those who want to protect the rules-based international order. We need to strengthen and diversify our partners in this region. The growing economic and military role of China in the Indo-Pacific must be balanced by others, and we need to secure the stability and the security of the region. And it is welcome that the EU is now increasing presence also in the area of security and defence. With this report, we need better assets and coordination. Climate change has to be central in our security agenda. It threatens this region and the whole world. On some other security issues, the EU has to be quite selective with its partners. But preventing climate crisis must be inclusive and multilateral because it is the challenge of everyone. The Indo-Pacific should have been better incorporated also in the strategic compass, and I hope that will be fixed in the future. We have to recognise the EU's initiatives such as the Global Gateway as playing an important role in our security policies.

  Anna Fotyga, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, much has changed in our approach to the Indo-Pacific since the famous negotiations of the CAI in December 2020. The report being discussed today is probably the best example of this change. Yet when we see the recommendation of [inaudible] and think about earlier meanders and mistakes in our policies towards the region, similar to the meanders and mistakes of policies vis—à—vis Russia, we have to question this recommendation. Unity, which is so much appreciated and in the report, is best achieved by unanimous voting in the CFSP.

  Özlem Demirel, im Namen der Fraktion The Left. – Herr Präsident! Was kann man in einer Minute zur Indopazifikstrategie der EU sagen, außer dass die Entwicklungen dort brandgefährlich sind? Die Militarisierungsschübe, die es dort in der Region gibt, sind brandgefährlich. Die Tatsache, dass in dieser Region Stellvertreterkriege auf uns zukommen werden, das kann man bereits jetzt sehen, denn der asiatische Markt ist der Markt der Zukunft.

Und was wir sehen, ist, dass die Widersprüche im Kapitalismus sich zuspitzen, und dass Großmächte nun im eigenen Interesse weiter für Absatzmärkte und Ressourcen streiten und hier auch im indopazifischen Raum. Die Hegemonialmacht USA sagt: China als aufstrebende neue Macht ist mein größter Konkurrent, und spitzt hier die Lage weiter zu. Und die EU geht mit im Schlepptau der USA. Und was unterscheidet sie? Ja, in der Tat, ich kritisiere, dass China den asiatischen Markt, die asiatischen Länder als seinen Hinterhof betrachtet. Aber was macht die EU mit Afrika? Was macht die USA mit Lateinamerika? Was unterscheidet sie hier an dieser Stelle?

Das ist eine imperialistische Politik, die grundtief abzulehnen ist. Was unterscheidet den Krieg zum Beispiel der Russischen Föderation vom Krieg der USA im Irak? Und ich sage das nicht, um das zu relativieren, was Russland in der Ukraine macht, sondern um deutlich zu machen, dass hier unterschiedliche imperiale Mächte auf dem Rücken der Völker weltweit Kriege führen – und das muss man ablehnen.

  Margarida Marques (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Presidente, Comissão, queria começar por felicitar o relator. Hoje, como sempre, a União Europeia precisa de aliados para enfrentar desafios na área da segurança, do combate à desinformação, da interferência estrangeira, da proteção de infraestruturas críticas, da segurança das cadeias de abastecimento, do combate às alterações climáticas, da governação dos oceanos e da preservação da biodiversidade do planeta.

Desafios que afetam tanto a União Europeia quanto o Indo-Pacífico e que exigem uma forte cooperação orientada pelos valores europeus. A União Europeia deve intensificar o seu empenho na segurança humana, na erradicação da pobreza, da injustiça social e das violações dos direitos humanos. É essencial que a União Europeia reforce a cooperação de segurança com os parceiros da região do Indo-Pacífico, reconhecendo a diversidade da região, ou seja, uma abordagem única para todos os países não seria a estratégia apropriada.

  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, the EU does indeed have a role to play in the Indo-Pacific, both for economic and geopolitical reasons. And that means we cannot allow ourselves to fall into ambivalence. We have to make clear where we stand.

A free and open Indo-Pacific for all: that’s one of our commanding goals. This can be and should be supported by a network of trusted connectivity initiatives like the European Global Gateway Initiative. In the centre of our alliance-building in the region, we should focus on like—minded democracies. We need a strategic solidarity with like—minded democracies and also include other, more or less like—minded countries.

And finally, we should not tiptoe around the elephant in the room, which is the PRC’s aggressive policy in the Indo-Pacific region, responsible for increasing tensions, be that on the Himalayan borders with India or in the South China Sea. We have to call a spade a spade and we have to make clear that Taiwan is also, for us, a democratic partner that we will not give up on.

  Mick Wallace (The Left). – Mr President, the anti-China policy proposals coming out of the US State Department in recent years are alarming. There are a growing number of influential policymakers who are openly planning a war with China. The report before us calls for the EU to copy the US and NATO and support the creation of a new anti-China alliance with Australia, New Zealand, Japan, South Korea. The Council on Foreign Relations, the Carnegie Endowment, Heritage Foundation, Hudson Institute and the Brookings Institution have all been promoting similar policy proposals in recent months. One recent book written by a CFR member openly calls for military attacks on the Chinese mainland with the aim of countering Chinese economic influence in south—east Asia.

This report before us is further evidence of the dominance of the US and NATO over policy formulation in the EU. We should be cooperating with China, not planning another war to protect the interests of Western financial capital. And keep in mind that China’s military spend is still only one third of that of the US, and China hasn’t bombed anyone in 40 years.

  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). – Señor presidente, comienzo felicitando al señor McAllister por su completo informe. El Indopacífico es una región enorme, densamente habitada y que ocupa un lugar económico y político central en el mundo de hoy. La Unión Europea no puede ser ajena a lo que ocurre en el Indopacífico, dados nuestros lazos con esta zona del mundo, cuya estabilidad, prosperidad, seguridad y conectividad repercute en nosotros.

Estamos viendo cómo el Gobierno de Biden está apostando por relanzar su presencia en la región a través del llamado «marco económico del Indopacífico», al igual que China, que estos días intenta también aumentar su influencia mediante nuevas iniciativas en las islas del Pacífico.

En el Indopacífico hay una serie de países afines muy importantes para la Unión Europea. Pienso, por ejemplo, en Corea del Sur, en Australia o en Japón, con los que tenemos importantes vínculos económicos y también políticos.

La región engloba a países también como China y la India. En estos momentos en que toda la atención está puesta en la guerra de Ucrania, no puedo dejar de expresar mi decepción por la actitud de China y de la India y su abstención en las resoluciones de las Naciones Unidas sobre la agresión de Rusia. La agresión de Rusia a Ucrania es una gravísima violación de los principios básicos del Derecho internacional. Países como China, miembro permanente del Consejo de Seguridad, una potencia global, o la India no pueden ser indiferentes: en esta guerra, no caben neutralidades.

Como diputado de la Comisión de Pesca, quiero insistir en que la Unión tiene que reforzar su cooperación con los países ribereños para que disminuya la pesca ilegal y la sobrepesca en la región del Indopacífico.

Vystúpenia podľa postupu prihlásenia sa o slovo zdvihnutím ruky

  Juozas Olekas (S&D). – Gerbiamas pirmininke, pirmiausia noriu padėkoti ponui D. McAllisteriui už gerą subalansuotą pranešimą. Kaip Europoje Rusija yra brutali ir aiški grėsmė, taip Ramiojo vandenyno ir Indijos vandenyno regione Kinija yra nemažas iššūkis. Todėl mūsų saugumo, Europos Sąjungos saugumo, įžvalgos yra labai reikalingos. Čia kolegos minėjo: rinka, klimato kaita yra labai svarbios (šio regiono šalys galėtų mums būti kaip partnerės), bet ne mažiau svarbu yra socialinė, žmogaus teisių, politika, prekyba, mokslas ir jaunimo reikalai. Todėl aš tikrai norėčiau pakviesti, kad mes daugiau dėmesio skirtume santykiams su šio regiono valstybėmis ir kad Europos Sąjungos vertybės šiame regione taip pat būtų įgyvendinamos.

  Clare Daly (The Left). – Mr President, I think it is incredible how in a very few, short years the EU has gone from not doing geopolitics to an absolute frenzy in it. And the report calls for cooperation with NATO, QUAD, AUKUS, all to deal with what it describes as a lack of an overarching regional security order in the Indo-Pacific. China’s economic and political influence in its own geographic neighbourhood is described as a security challenge. It urges the EU to prepare a strategy that would allow us to react against China. It talks about increasing our joint efforts in capability development, building up EU military power to be a credible security actor in the region, and all of this to protect our security interests.

Could we ever open an atlas and could it tell me what is it about Europe that entitles us to speak this way about an entire region of the world with 60% of the world’s population as if it belonged to us, as if it was still a colonial backyard of Europeans. This isn’t the 19th century. The European Union isn’t in a position to boss around the rest of the world. We really seriously need a change in direction.

  Eugen Tomac (PPE). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, îl felicit și eu pe colegul McAllister că acesta este un raport foarte bun. Insist doar pe o chestiune extrem de importantă. Statele Unite trebuie să aibă un partener pe măsura importanței, așa cum este Uniunea Europeană în această regiune și trebuie să fim prezenți acolo, cât mai rapid, cu toată forța.

Avem un obiectiv strategic de atins, acela de a le garanta partenerilor noștri că suntem capabili să dezvoltăm un parteneriat bazat pe cooperare în interesul ambelor părți. Războiul din regiunea noastră ne-a adus în față noi provocări, tocmai de aceea trebuie să fim cu un pas înainte și să ne implicăm din ce în ce mai mult în această regiune.

  Κώστας Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η έκθεση αποτυπώνει τα μεγάλα συμφέροντα σε μια περιοχή που, κατά δήλωση των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών, «σε ένα βαθμό θα κρίνει το μέλλον του κόσμου», και αφορά κρίσιμους ενεργειακούς δρόμους, σπάνιες γαίες και οι γεωστρατηγικής σημασίας χώρες.

Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, συμμετέχοντας ενεργά μαζί με τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες και το ΝΑΤΟ στον ιμπεριαλιστικό πόλεμο στην Ουκρανία, στη σύγκρουση με τη Ρωσία, είναι επίσης μέρος του ευρωατλαντικού ανταγωνισμού με την Κίνα σε όλα τα επίπεδα, στρατιωτικό, πολιτικό και οικονομικό. Παρεμβαίνει στην Ινδία και σε άλλα κράτη της περιοχής για ευθυγράμμιση με αυτόν το σχεδιασμό, αναπτύσσει τις στρατιωτικές δυνάμεις, όχι μόνο στο πλαίσιο του ΝΑΤΟ, αλλά και αυτοτελώς, διαμηνύοντας ότι δεν θα αρκεστεί στον ήδη παρόντα γαλλικό στρατό, ούτε θα συμβιβαστεί με σχεδιασμούς που δεν τη λαμβάνουν υπόψη, όπως η AUKUS.

Η επικίνδυνη κλιμάκωση στον ανταγωνισμό των αστικών τάξεων, η αναδιάταξη των ιμπεριαλιστικών συμμαχιών, η αντιπαράθεση Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών-Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης-ΝΑΤΟ με Κίνα και Ρωσία στον Ινδοειρηνικό μεγαλώνει τους κινδύνους για τους λαούς.

(Ukončenie vystúpení podľa postupu prihlásenia sa o slovo zdvihnutím ruky)

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, honourable Members, today’s discussions have reiterated our willingness to contribute to the security and prosperity of the Indo-Pacific region in full respect of international law. Growing global challenges call for more multilateral governance and rule—based international cooperation, not less. What happens in Ukraine will have an impact on the Indo-Pacific region. For the Indo-Pacific region, it is therefore important, as it is for Europe, that international law and territorial integrity are respected. Thank you very much for your attention.

  David McAllister, rapporteur. – Mr President, Commissioner Várhelyi was very precise and I will be just as brief.

I would like to thank all colleagues for their contributions. I thought this was a constructive debate and having listened carefully to all the contributions, let me try to summarise. I guess most of us do agree that for us in the European Union, the Indo-Pacific offers great opportunities, but indeed also poses many challenges. But one thing is clear: our prosperity and economic interests rely on the openness for stability and the security in the region.

Several colleagues mentioned increasing geopolitical competition. Well, yes, this does produce tensions not only in trade and supply chains, but also in broader political and security matters. It is authoritarian regimes in the region that are suppressing democratic principles and human rights and this, in the end, puts regional stability at risk and this also directly affects European security and prosperity.

From my point of view, the key message the European Parliament is sending to the entire Indo-Pacific is that we are ready – ready for deepening cooperation and engagement with our partners and like-minded countries, like-minded democracies in the region, in order to respond to emerging dynamics that are affecting regional but also global stability and security.

To sum up, it is in our joint interest to maintain a free and open Indo-Pacific for all, and it is in our interest to promote a rules-based regional order in line with the principles of democracy, the rule of law, human rights and international law.

I would like to thank once again for the support I received from most of the political groups yesterday, and I am quite convinced that tomorrow we can adopt this report with a large and broad majority in this plenary. Once again, dear colleagues, thank you for a fruitful and constructive debate.

  Predsedajúci. – Rozprava sa týmto skončila.

Hlasovanie o tomto bode sa uskutoční zajtra.

Písomné vyhlásenia (článok 171)

  Urmas Paet (Renew), kirjalikult. – EL ning India ja Vaikse ookeani piirkonna riigid seisavad silmitsi üha sarnasemate julgeolekuprobleemide ja ka mittetraditsiooniliste probleemidega. Viimastel aastatel on piirkonna sündmused, eelkõige Hiina tegevus, põhjustanud intensiivseid geopoliitilisi pingeid ja konkurentsi, mis ohustab reeglitel põhinevat rahvusvahelist korda. Sellega seotud probleemide ja pingete leevendamiseks puuduvad nii üldine piirkondlik julgeolekukord kui ka usalduse suurendamise mehhanism. Selline dünaamika kujutab endast tõsist ohtu piirkonna ja ülemaailmse kogukonna stabiilsusele ja julgeolekule, mõjutades otseselt ELi kui piirkonna riikide peamise poliitilise ja majandusliku partneri strateegilisi huve. Piirkonnas toimuv ideoloogiline võitlus autoritaarsuse ja demokraatia vahel võib mõjutada sarnaste võitluste tulemusi kogu maailmas, sealhulgas ELi läheduses. Stabiilne ja rahumeelne India ja Vaikse ookeani piirkond, mis põhineb rahvusvahelise õiguse järgimisel, on ELi julgeoleku ja huvide kaitsmisel äärmiselt tähtis. Arvestades ka laiemat geopoliitiliselt keerulist olukorda seoses Venemaa agressioonisõjaga Ukraina vastu, peab Euroopa Liit tüürima võimeka kaitsekoostöö liidu poole ning tegema muuhulgas koostööd partneritega India ja Vaikse ookeani piirkonnas.