Istungi stenogramm

Teisipäev, 5. juuli 2022 - Strasbourg

16. Serbiat käsitlev 2021. aasta aruanne (arutelu)

  Sēdes vadītājs. – Nākamais darba kārtības punkts ir debates par Vladimír Bilčík ziņojumu Ārlietu komitejas vārdā par 2021. gada ziņojumu par Serbiju (2021/2249(INI)) (A9-0178/2022).

   So, colleagues, I don’t want to repeat what you already know about the procedure for the debate, but just to remind you that for the blue cards we normally leave it for the first group representatives, so no asking for blue cards then, and then later on we can start with the blue cards.

  Vladimír Bilčík, rapporteur. – Mr President, Mr Commissioner, dear colleagues, it is my pleasure to present to you the 2021 report on Serbia. Let me begin by thanking all of those who have contributed to the report, especially my shadows.

It was my ambition to set out a fair, realistic and accurate report on the current political developments in Serbia with a particular focus on Serbia’s EU path. The draft of this report was prepared as Russia’s aggression against Ukraine unfolded. And, as for most issues linked to world affairs, February 2022 was a defining moment that will change Europe’s history and certainly Europe’s future.

We are committed to Serbia’s European Union accession. This is very clear and it is stated in the first paragraph of the report. The European Parliament’s political priority has not changed over the years. It remains solid. This House remains a staunch supporter of EU enlargement. As the European Parliament reiterates its support for Serbia’s EU membership, it also recalls that a credible enlargement perspective requires political will, sustainable efforts and irreversible reforms in all areas, particularly those linked to the rule of law, as well as unwavering commitment to European standards and values.

How do we measure the accession pace? The report reiterates that the progress on the rule of law and fundamental rights chapters, full alignment with EU foreign security and defence policy, including sanctions against Russia, as well as the normalisation of Serbia’s relations with Kosovo, will determine the pace of accession. This is no news to our partners in Serbia. The EP’s position has been clear on this point in many years and in other EP reports during previous years. And while repetition might sometimes seem a bit dull, it remains important to be consistent. Certain open issues remain as open as they were at the opening of the accession negotiations. This regards improving electoral conditions, fight against corruption and organised crime, improving media environment, and repeated calls for cross—party consensus on EU—related reforms for ensuring the country’s progress on its EU path.

And we do not have to look far in history. We can just look at this year’s events when we do regret that even after three months since the elections in April, we are still weeks away from forming a parliamentary majority in Serbia. The official results were announced today and this is good news, I welcome it. And this happens, however, at a crucial time in Europe’s history, marked by major geopolitical shifts, socio—economic problems, and as war in Ukraine rages on, Serbia is without a new government. So, I do believe valuable time is being lost. A time to make strategic choices is value even more.

EU accession is Serbia’s strategic priority and it is Serbia’s strategic decision. So we need to see it treated strategically by political leadership in Serbia. It is therefore important to start moving towards the EU, not sideways. This report is a complex political document that tackles the most pressing issues linked to Serbia’s reforms and EU accession path. It is meant to be read as such. It is not a single—issue report, and credit is given where credit is due. For instance, in the successful conduct of the 2022 referendum on constitutional amendments. Also, the April elections were a step forward compared to the 2020 elections, and rightly resulted in a more pluralistic parliament. We welcome the constructive role of the opposition and, as parliamentarians, are glad that an electoral boycott was averted. This resulted in a more pluralistic parliament, which is ultimately the most important thing in a modern parliamentary democracy.

And I would like to take this opportunity to thank my former colleagues, Tanja Fajon and Knut Fleckenstein, for their work in the inter—party dialogue and pay tribute to the late Eduard Kukan, who worked on issues related to Serbia’s EU future until the very last days of his life. I am sure he would like to see Serbia moving forward on its European path, and as this report underlines, there is a clear map and a clear plan how this can be achieved. But the ball is very much in the hands of the new leadership, in the hands of the new government. And this relates to all the key issues which I have outlined: rule of law reforms, dialogue with Pristina, as well as full alignment with the EU’s international positions.

I hope we can make progress on this, and as the standing rapporteur of this House, I stand ready to help to work together with our partners in Belgrade. And, of course, I look forward to listening to the Commission, and also to colleagues, and I look forward to a fruitful debate on this report.

  Janez Lenarčič, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, first, let me thank the rapporteur, Mr Bilčík, for his work on this report. We are facing unprecedented challenges in Europe that make it clear that EU membership is the most important and most reliable tool for peace, stability and long-term prosperity. This was reflected clearly in the European Council conclusions adopted last week. There is once more, and rightly so, enormous attention given to EU enlargement policy. And I thank this honourable house for its continued strong support for the European perspective of our partners in the Eastern Neighbourhood and also for the whole of the Western Balkans. Today’s discussion follows the elections that were held in Serbia in April and the participation of all political forces was of key importance there. And allow me also to acknowledge the important role and the value of the participation of the members of this House in the election observation mission.

There have been significant improvements, including those that allowed the participation of all political forces. But the challenges remain. Therefore, the work needs to continue to further strengthen the functioning of democratic institutions. I welcome that final election results have been published earlier today by the Central Election Commission, thus paving the way for the constitution of the new Parliament. The Commission is determined to work with Serbia’s leadership and the new government to make further progress on accession negotiations. The progress made by Serbia on EU-related reforms has allowed us to open, last December for the first time, a cluster of four chapters on the green agenda and sustainable connectivity. This was an important signal for Serbia. It confirmed that the EU responds positively to reform progress. And it also sent a strong message that the EU is stepping up engagement on the green agenda for the benefit of all citizens. However, reforms need to continue. Building on the momentum of last December and on the successful January referendum on the constitutional amendments, we expect Serbia to deliver real and tangible results, in particular in the area of the rule of law and on dialogue with Pristina. Both are essential and they will determine the overall pace of Serbia’s EU accession negotiations. Serbia needs to continue to accelerate and deepen reforms on the independence of the judiciary. The fight against corruption and organised crime, media freedom and the domestic handling of war crimes. The Commission will continue to report on and assess Serbia’s progress in this respect.

The recent agreement reached under the EU facilitated dialogue on the energy agreement's implementation roadmap is an important step forward that will hopefully unlock discussions on other outstanding issues. In the current geopolitical context, Serbia has demonstrated its commitment to EU values by aligning with the number of EU declarations and by supporting relevant UN General Assembly resolutions on Ukraine. We now expect Serbia to continue to show this commitment and step up its efforts in progressively aligning with the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy, including declarations and restrictive measures in line with the EU-Serbia negotiating framework.

In this regard, it is also important that Serbia decreases its dependence on Russian gas. The beginning of works on the Serbia Bulgaria gas interconnector, for which the EU provided almost EUR 50 million, is an important joint step toward securing and diversifying gas supply for Serbia. We are also supporting cybersecurity and EU oriented strategic communication, including fighting Russian disinformation across the region.

Let me underline that the EU is and will remain Serbia’s main political. And by far the main economic partner. We will continue to support Serbia’s economic recovery, energy, food security and society, including through the significant support made available under the Economic and Investment Plan for the Western Balkans. Thank you for your attention and I look forward to our discussion.

  Андрей Ковачев, от името на групата PPE. – Г-н Председател, на три основни точки искам да се спра. Сърбия е единствената страна кандидат за членство в Европейския съюз, която все още не се е присъединила към общата външна политика и политика за сигурност на Европейския съюз, особено сега по отношение на Русия и агресията на Русия в Украйна.

Белград дава много често сигнали, сега в момента също, за близко сътрудничество с Русия, както политическо, икономическо, енергийно и военно. Сръбският политически елит трябва ясно да избере – с Европейския съюз или с Кремъл, или може би търси нещо подобно, както по времето на Тито, за необвързаност. Когато говорим за Сърбия, много често на хартия ситуацията изглежда добре, но в действителност, за съжаление, нещата не са така.

Пример за това са т. нар. национални съвети на малцинствата. Те са подчинени изцяло на Белград чрез инсталирането на близки до партията на г-н Вучич хора, чийто приоритет е да прокарват политиката на Белград, която невинаги отговаря на конкретните интереси на конкретното малцинство, както икономически, така и социални.

В случая с българското малцинство съществува наистина риск от екологична катастрофа, допълнително към икономическата и социалната такава. Очакваме също в най-скоро време решителен напредък по отношение на Косово с ясната цел за взаимно признаване на двете страни.

  Δημήτρης Παπαδάκης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας S&D. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η Σερβία είναι κομμάτι της Ευρώπης και το μέλλον της είναι αναπόφευκτα να γίνει πλήρες μέλος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Ήδη υπάρχει σημαντική καθυστέρηση σε αυτή την πορεία. Υπεύθυνη για αυτή την καθυστέρηση, δυστυχώς, είναι η ίδια η κυβέρνηση της χώρας. Αυτό διότι οι μεταρρυθμίσεις καθυστερούν να γίνουν πράξη, η κοινωνική δικαιοσύνη απουσιάζει, ο σεβασμός της άλλης άποψης είναι στοιχείο που λείπει και οι φιμώσεις δημοσιογράφων και μέσων ενημέρωσης που δεν ελέγχονται από την κυβέρνηση γίνονται πράξη. Αδράνεια σε φαινόμενα ακραίας και απάνθρωπης εκμετάλλευσης ξένου εργατικού δυναμικού. Επιθέσεις από παρακρατικές ομάδες στους ηγέτες της αντιπολίτευσης.

Την ώρα που προσδοκάς να αποτελέσεις μέρος των ευρωπαϊκών αρχών και αξιών, οφείλεις να ταυτίζεσαι με αυτές και να συμπλέεις στην επιβολή κυρώσεων κατά της Ρωσίας, χωρίς πολλά λόγια. Κάποια βήματα, βεβαίως, οφείλουμε να παραδεχτούμε πως έχουν γίνει. Στέλνω το μήνυμα προς τον λαό της Σερβίας ότι εμείς συνεχίζουμε τη στήριξή μας για μια πραγματικά δημοκρατική Σερβία, μέλος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.

  Klemen Grošelj, v imenu skupine Renew. – Spoštovani! Poročilo o napredku ali bolje manku napredka Srbije v približevanju Evropski uniji, ki je pred nami, žal ne pove celotne zgodbe države, ki nekako ne more ali pa ne želi izvesti političnega napora, da se dokončno opredeli za evropsko pot.

Vprašanje sankcij zoper Rusijo je samo vrh ledene gore dilem, na katere v procesu pogajanj in približevanja EU Srbija in njena aktualna oblast nimata odgovorov. Sprašujem se, še posebej po zapletih s parlamentarnimi volitvami in trimesečni zamudi pri objavi rezultatov, kateri so dejanski razlogi, ki Srbiji preprečujejo približevanje  EU v zvezi s sankcijami? Navkljub raznovrstnim pojasnilom oblasti v Beogradu se ustvarja vtis, da gre pri vsem bolj kot za vprašanje sankcij in približevanja EU, za vprašanje preživetja aktualne oblasti.

Srbija mora, v kolikor se ne želi pridružiti klubu držav večnih kandidatk za članstvo, nujno in odločno stopiti na pot globokih reform na področju vladavine prava, temeljnih demokratičnih standardov, neodvisnosti pravosodja in medijev, delovanja civilne družbe in drugih temeljnih vrednot in načel, na katerih temelji EU. Pri tem ne zadostuje več dosedanja praksa formalnega izpolnjevanja zavez, ampak je potrebna dejanska implementacija vseh reform v dobrobit državljank in državljanov Srbije in šele nato za doseganje pogojev za vstop v Evropsko unijo.

  Viola von Cramon-Taubadel, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, despite all efforts of the European Parliament, Serbia is not much more democratic than it was after the 2020 election boycott. It is a country that still lacks genuine democratic plurality, media freedoms and political culture, which will prepare it for the EU.

Yet I do not want to go into details of the report, but instead I would like to remind President Vučić about the utmost need to align with Europe on our common stance. I truly believe that the Russian invasion of Ukraine is a watershed moment in modern Europe. The EU expects from the new government full alignment in terms of foreign policy and introduction of sanctions against Russia. We must use this momentum to break Serbian ties with the Kremlin and help the country turn clearly towards the EU.

There are indeed forces in Serbia that represent progressive critical voices, either in politics or in civil society, academia and media circles. Our task is to make sure that they are heard, protected and have international support.

  Susanna Ceccardi, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, se prendiamo in mano una cartina, vediamo che l'allargamento ai Balcani appare come una questione inevitabile da un punto di vista geopolitico, eppure il vertice sui Balcani del 23 giugno scorso è stato un fallimento. Nessuno dei paesi oggi in attesa ha visto sostanziali passi in avanti, con una grande delusione di tutti i leader l'Unione europea non è riuscita a rispettare le promesse ai Balcani occidentali.

La domanda sorge spontanea: in quale direzione va la politica estera europea? Apriamo all'allargamento di due nazioni come Ucraina e Moldova al lato più a Est, ma non ci siamo occupati con sufficiente attenzione di cosa succede al nostro centro. Lasciare un vuoto ai confini del nostro spazio, se non addirittura al proprio interno, lascia inevitabilmente campo libero ad altri attori. Per rispondere allora al processo di allargamento nei Balcani dovremo prima chiederci chi siamo e che cosa vogliamo fare domani. Darci una risposta seria, chiara, decisa, senza però illudere nessuno.

  Zdzisław Krasnodębski, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Zgadzam się oczywiście z ogólną linią przyjętą przez pana posła sprawozdawcę i dziękuję panu Bilčíkowi i kontrsprawozdawcom za pracę nad tym sprawozdaniem.

Sprawozdanie przedstawia wiele słabości Serbii z punktu widzenia Unii i procesu integracji, nie pomijając przy tym kontekstu wojny na Ukrainie i reakcji Serbii na nią. Zawiera wiele słusznych uwag. Trudno jest się oprzeć jednak wrażeniu, że czasami ingerencja w sprawy wewnętrzne Serbii idzie za daleko, że nasze zatroskanie przeradza się także w tym przypadku – jak w wielu innych – w moralistyczny interwencjonizm, by nie powiedzieć w moralistyczny imperializm. Zwłaszcza, że wiele z tych moralistycznych wymogów nie jest spełnianych w samej Unii – np. czytamy w tej rezolucji , iż „ubolewa się, że pracę Zgromadzenia Narodowego utrudniał brak prawdziwej debaty politycznej między większością a partiami opozycyjnymi”. A czy w tym Parlamencie naprawdę mamy debaty między ugrupowaniami, które uznały się za jedynie proeuropejskie, a autentycznie proeuropejskimi frakcjami takimi jak ECR? Co najwyżej w kulisach.

Inny przykład: w rezolucji słusznie wytyka się Serbii jej powiązanie z Rosją, w tym wojskowe, nieprzyłączenie się do sankcji wobec Rosji. Tylko że swoim krytycyzmie zapominamy, że Unia była mniej zasadnicza wobec niektórych państw członkowskich, które po 2014 roku omijały unijne embargo, sprzedając Rosji, mimo sankcji, sprzęt wojskowy. A więc stosujmy te same standardy.

  Emmanuel Maurel, au nom du groupe The Left. – Monsieur le Président, le Parlement souhaite-t-il réellement encourager la Serbie à rejoindre l’Union européenne? Parfois, quand j’entends nos débats ou quand je lis nos textes, j’en viens à douter, parce que ce sont des textes systématiquement à charge, sans nuances – nuances dont nous faisons preuve quand il s’agit d’autres pays des Balkans occidentaux.

On adresse à Belgrade des remontrances, des exigences qui sont intenables, en continuant de nier le poids de l’histoire, en méconnaissant la culture politique du pays, et surtout en faisant fi des progrès réalisés. Bien sûr que la situation n’est pas satisfaisante. On l’a dit: la corruption, la société civile entravée, les médias. Mais des progrès ont quand même été réalisés suite à nos recommandations. Je pense notamment au référendum constitutionnel sur la justice, aux élections législatives qui se sont tenues dans de bonnes conditions, à la lutte contre les conflits d’intérêts ou aux garanties nouvelles pour l’indépendance de la justice.

Et parfois, je me dis que nous devrions nous adresser à la Serbie en saluant d’abord ces avancées. Parce que la Serbie, c’est le plus grand pays des Balkans. Elle n’a pas besoin de nos leçons, mais de nos encouragements. Alors, faisons preuve de la même bienveillance avec tous les pays des Balkans occidentaux.

  Andor Deli (NI). – Köszönöm, Elnök Úr, Biztos Úr, Tisztelt Képviselőtársaim! Az előttünk lévő jelentés arról kellene, hogy szóljon, miként fogja az Európai Parlament segíteni Szerbiát abban, hogy mielőbb az Unió tagjává váljon, de ehelyett a jelentés inkább kioktat, előír és olyan elfogadhatatlan túlzásokat tartalmaz, amelyek csak tovább fékezik az ország csatlakozási folyamatát, megkérdőjelezik az EU szavahihetőségét és elidegenítik Szerbia polgárait. Ez pedig egyaránt ellenkezik Szerbia és az EU stratégiai érdekeivel. Hihetetlen, hogy amikor azt látjuk, hogy egy EU-val szomszédos országban háború dúl, egyesek nem látják át, hogy Szerbia mielőbbi csatlakozásával megszilárdulna az Unió stabilitása. Magyarország kormánya és a kormánypárti képviselők teljes mellszélességgel kiállnak Szerbia EU-csatlakozása mellett. Épp ezért számunkra a jelentés elfogadhatatlan. Meggyőződésünk, hogy Szerbia több támogatást és megértést érdemel, sokkal többet.

Finally, let me send a warm welcome to Her Excellency Ms Ana Hrustanović, who is following our debate here in the plenary.

(The speaker concluded in a non-official language)

  Eugen Tomac (PPE). – Domnule președinte, felicit raportorul. Cred că Serbia trebuie să înțeleagă că nu există dublu standard atunci când îți asumi acest drum pe care vrei să îl parcurgi privind aderarea la Uniunea Europeană.

În acest context, este esențial ca politica Serbiei să demonstreze prin fapte că este aliniată la standardele europene și trebuie să aplice sancțiunile pe care le-am aplicat Rusiei tocmai pentru că acest război ne-a oferit o nouă realitate, care ne permite să înțelegem că doar uniți, doar împreună, putem face față tuturor provocărilor.

Iar eu cred că Serbia are obligația de a se alinia și a răspunde la toate așteptările pe care le avem față de acest stat puternic încercat, dar care trebuie convins că singura cale corectă este calea europeană a acestui stat. Belgradul trebuie să înțeleagă această misiune.

Puhetta johti HEIDI HAUTALA
varapuhemies

  Alessandra Moretti (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, finalmente oggi la Serbia, dopo tre mesi dalle elezioni dello scorso aprile, ha comunicato i risultati ufficiali delle urne e da domani potrà lavorare alla formazione di un governo. Ciò che questo esecutivo dovrà affrontare nel critico periodo che stiamo vivendo sono decisioni importanti, complesse, oltre che urgenti, azione, insieme al processo di integrazione europea, che solo un governo responsabile e lungimirante potrà portare a termine.

Comprendiamo le difficoltà e le peculiarità delle ragioni storiche, apprezziamo gli sforzi già compiuti sulle riforme, così come l'impegno di accogliere rifugiati ucraini, eppure non basta. Chiediamo alle autorità serbe di avere coraggio e di schierarsi senza ambiguità dalla parte del popolo ucraino, invaso senza giustificabile motivazione e violato nella sua sovranità. Questo significa anche difendere i valori europei della democrazia e della libertà contro la propaganda russa, che continua a infiltrarsi nei media serbi per condizionare in modo subdolo l'opinione pubblica.

Infine, invito il governo serbo ad avere il coraggio di raggiungere un accordo che realizzi la completa normalizzazione dei rapporti con i paesi vicini, un passo essenziale per accelerare sul percorso europeo. Prendete coraggio e l'Europa sarà al vostro fianco per sostenervi.

  Γεώργιος Κύρτσος (Renew). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, θέλουμε την Σερβία στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Νομίζουμε ότι έχουμε κοινή ευρωπαϊκή προοπτική. Αλλά πρέπει να πούμε ότι δεν είναι η ώρα για εκπτώσεις σε ζητήματα αρχών και σε ζητήματα στρατηγικής. Η ηγεσία της Σερβίας, δυστυχώς, κλείνει το μάτι στη Ρωσία σε μία περίοδο που υπάρχει σε εξέλιξη ο πόλεμος της Ουκρανίας με ευθύνη του Putin, ο οποίος αποσταθεροποιεί το σύνολο της Ευρώπης.

Επίσης, η επίθεση που έκανε η Ρωσία κατά της Ουκρανίας έχει σχέση και με το καθεστώς του Putin, δηλαδή δεν θέλει τον ευρύτερο εκδημοκρατισμό γειτονικών χωρών για να μη φτάσει ο εκδημοκρατισμός στη Ρωσία και αυτό έχει σημασία για μας. Επίσης, υπάρχει ρωσική επιρροή και ρωσική αποσταθεροποίηση στα Δυτικά Βαλκάνια. Και όταν μιλάμε για Σερβία, μιλάμε για διεύρυνση προς τα Δυτικά Βαλκάνια. Και υπάρχει και μια τάση να ακουμπάει η Ρωσία στην Κίνα για να αντιμετωπίσει τη διεθνή πίεση, και έχουμε και τη Σερβία να ενθαρρύνει τη σχέση και με τη Ρωσία και με την Κίνα. Νομίζω ότι, με αυτό το μείγμα, η Σερβία δεν μπορεί να ελπίζει σε γρήγορες και θετικές εξελίξεις σε ό,τι αφορά την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Madam President, the countries in the Western Balkans need a sincere and credible European perspective. From their side, the enlargement countries should show their willingness to adhere to European values, standards and principles. Serbia has made considerable progress on its reform agenda, but still has not delivered on a few critical aspects.

While facing the security threats in the east of Europe, it should be clear that no further integration can happen without clear alignment with our common foreign and security policy. I welcome that the representative of the Croatian minority was elected in the recent election to the Serbian Parliament. However, minority rights of the Croatian community in Serbia, and especially the status of non-discriminatory use of the Croatian language, are still below European standards. This must change.

Finally, we are still asking Serbia for the truth about missing persons from the Homeland War in order to move forward and to allow families to grieve with dignity.

  Thijs Reuten (S&D). – Madam President, we want Serbia to advance on its EU path. Instead, Serbia’s President Vučić is pulling his country away from the European Union, even if he says something else. Serbia’s leadership chooses regression on the rule of law over pro-European reforms. Its handling of this year’s elections demonstrates democracy is in clear peril. And while Russia bombs Ukrainian hospitals, Vučić’s government tried and failed to fly the Russian Foreign Minister out to Belgrade.

Let us be very clear. The EU is Serbia’s largest donor. Our support has long been steadfast. But we need to change tack; minimising Vučić’s clear autocratic tendencies and focusing on investment projects instead is a dead end. Accession negotiations with Serbia should only continue on two conditions: clear progress on the rule of law and full alignment with our sanctions on Russia.

  Peter van Dalen (PPE). – Voorzitter, eén rotte appel in de mand maakt al het gave fruit te schand. Aan die uitdrukking moest ik denken toen ik het verslag las over Servië. Servië doet namelijk precies wat de Europese Unie niet doet. Het steunt Rusland. Servië is in de ban van Rusland, al meer dan honderd jaar. Daarom heeft Servië zich niet aangesloten bij de EU-sancties tegen Rusland. Ook zet Servië de vluchten van Belgrado naar Moskou gewoon voort en heeft Servië veel wapens gekocht in Rusland, in Belarus en in China.

Servië heeft lak aan de Europese Unie. Ook loopt de Servisch-orthodoxe kerk als een blind paard achter de patriarch van de Russisch-orthodoxe kerk, Kirill, aan. Bovendien zijn de banden tussen de maffia in Servië en Rusland al heel innig en intensief. Kortom, laten we eensgezind blijven. Dit land hoort absoluut niet bij de Europese Unie.

Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot

  Александър Александров Йорданов (PPE). – Г-жо Председател, тясното сътрудничество на Сърбия с Русия, особено във военната сфера, представлява опасност за европейската сигурност. Дори и след военната агресия на Русия срещу Украйна, в Белград доминират прокремълските настроения. Тревожат и проявите на краен национализъм. Тази неевропейска политика оказва влияние и в съседна Северна Македония поради традиционната обвързаност на политическите елити, а наскоро сръбският министър на вътрешните работи заговори и за т. нар. „сръбски свят“ – една националистическа доктрина, копи-пейст на доктрината „руски свят“, която няма нищо общо с ценностите на европейската интеграция. Необходимо е Сърбия да осъществи реален процес на раздяла с националистическите и кремълските митове, защото Европейският съюз не се нуждае от руски троянски коне.

  Tomislav Sokol (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, činjenica je da pristupni pregovori o ulasku Srbije u EU stagniraju. Mnogo je razloga za takvu situaciju.

Jedan od njih sastoji se u tome da Srbija danas nije demokratska zemlja, već u njoj vlada političko jednoumlje odnosno potpuna dominacija jedne političke opcije, Vučićevih naprednjaka. Slika Srbije danas je slika zemlje u kojoj se krše ljudska prava, koči se razvoj civilnog društva, a neovisni mediji praktički ni ne postoje. Osim toga, ne postoji vidljiva želja ni napredak kada je u pitanju vladavina prava, borba protiv korupcije te provedba reformi.

Srbija je kroz svoju povijest često pokazivala težnju za hegemonijom nad susjednim zemljama. Ambicije i želja za srpskom dominacijom očito i dalje postoje, a recentni srpski hegemonizam ponajbolje vidimo na primjeru destabilizacije susjedne Crne Gore kojoj prosrpski političari često negiraju pravo na vlastiti identitet. I tu, naravno, radi u dosluhu i u dogovoru s Rusijom.

Prije ulaska u EU Srbija i njeni političari moraju prihvatiti europske vrijednosti i riješiti temeljna pitanja vezana uz vladavinu prava, stanje demokracije, procesuiranje ratnih zločina, prestanak agresivnog miješanja u politiku susjednih država te rasvjetljavanje sudbina nestalih osoba iz agresije na Hrvatsku.

  Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR). – Pani przewodnicząca! Po bardzo udanym dla procesu akcesyjnego Serbii roku 2021, za rozczarowujący należy uznać jej brak reakcji na rosyjską agresję przeciwko Ukrainie. Padały tu już argumenty, że Serbia jako jedyna spośród państw regionu nie przystąpiła do żadnych unijnych sankcji przeciwko Rosji przyjętych po 24 lutego. I oczywiste jest, że Serbia, której bliżej będzie do Putina, Cyryla Ławrowa, do morderców z Buczy, z Mariupola, Serbia, której bliżej będzie do tych bestialstw, których dzisiaj rosyjscy żołnierze dopuszczają się na cywilnej ludności ukraińskiej, do Unii Europejskiej wejść nie będzie mogła.

Ale przecież my kibicujemy naszym przyjaciołom w Serbii, tym, którym bliżej jest do Brukseli, bliżej do Rzymu, bliżej do Belgradu, Sofii czy Warszawy, a nie politykom, którym bliżej do Putina. I warto powiedzieć też w tym miejscu, że takie rezowerskie pouczanie dzisiaj Serbii w kontekście tego, co robiły Niemcy, Francja po 2014 roku, też w Serbii jest odrzucane tak samo, jak powinno być odrzucane tutaj, w tej izbie.

  Karlo Ressler (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, dok se ukrajinski narod bori za svoju vlastitu opstojnost, za slobodu, ali i za naše europske vrijednosti, u Srbiji u Beogradu svjedočimo jednom otužnom, besramnom kalkuliranju koje još uvijek traje i svjedočimo svim različitim načinima zaobilaženja sankcija. Na taj način Srbija se ne udaljava samo formalno od Europske unije, nego se udaljava i civilizacijski od cijele Europe.

Drugo, ono što svjedočimo u našem neposrednom susjedstvu, nažalost, su elementi stare ofucane politike Srbije iz 1990-ih godina gdje nedostaje iskrene, prave suradnje, prije svega na pomirenju, i na onim svim ostacima otvorenih pitanja iz devedesetih. Svjedočimo neprihvatljivom širenju jurisdikcije, nerješavanju sudbine nestalih, problematičnom odnosu prema manjinama unutar Republike Srbije, ali također i neskrivenim posezanjem za kulturnim naslijeđem drugih država.

To je potpuno neprihvatljivo i dok je god tako Srbija neće biti spremna za Europsku uniju!

  Lukas Mandl (PPE). – Madam President, Serbia is a beautiful country with great people, with a lot of cultural heritage. Serbia is a large country compared to the others in the Western Balkans and an economically strong country. It could serve a lot for the region and for all Europe.

But I have to remind all of us about our decision in the plenary with a large majority on 1 March, about our deepest concern about Serbian behaviour when it comes to war on European soil. This is why I highly appreciate the work of the rapporteur, Vladimír Bilčík, because it must be extremely hard to conduct a report on such a country with such leadership.

We all have to learn our lessons from history. Even we Austrians had to learn our lessons from history, and we still have to. And it is also on Serbia to learn the lessons from history, to align with Europe and European values, to align with the sanctions which are the unbloody defence against the bloody war, and take the first in history, the status of our civilisation, for the sake of the Serbian people themselves.

  Sunčana Glavak (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, kolegice i kolege, zahvaljujem prije svega kolegi Bilčíku na njegovom izvješću. Međutim, željela bih se osvrnuti na nekoliko problematičnih stvari koje u svakom slučaju ne pokazuju iskrenu i istinsku predanost Srbije na njezinu europskom putu.

Prije svega, to su zatiranje medijskih sloboda u Srbiji, zbog čega njihovi građani, doista smatram, nemaju pravi uvid u ono što se u njihovoj zemlji događa. S druge strane, nemamo jasne dokaze i jasna opredjeljenja, prije svega vanjsko-političko, što je jako važno, kuda Srbija zaista želi ići. Kada govorimo o vladavini prava i demokraciji, bojim se da su to još uvijek nepoznati pojmovi za brojne srpske političare.

Srbija mora jasno pokazati želi li istinski europski put. To znači jednako tako i da mora odgovoriti na pitanje nestalih u velikosrpskoj agresiji na Republiku Hrvatsku, a što je obveza, podsjećam, ugrađena u pristupne pregovore.

Hod po žici i sjedenje na dvije stolice nije iskrena predanost na europskom putu. Jednim okom prema Rusiji, a drugim okom prema Europskoj uniji i uzimati od jednih što im odgovara i od drugih što im odgovara, a to je prije svega novac europskih građana, nije iskren i dobar put.

  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-жо Председател, да, съгласен съм, тази Сърбия няма място в Европейския съюз. Това е тази същата Сърбия, която прави провокации в Косово. Това е същата Сърбия, която прави провокации в Босна и Херцеговина. Това е същата Сърбия, която поддържа руската пропаганда по време на войната на Русия срещу Украйна. Това е същата Сърбия, която поддържа най-големия логистичен разузнавателен шпионски център на Русия на Балканите, в цяла Европа, това се намира в град Ниш, предполагам всички знаете това. Това е тази Сърбия, която мачка националните малцинства.

Тук в тази зала много често много от вас защитават различни малцинствени права, къде основателно, къде не, но днес ги няма, мълчат си, защото става дума за истински проблеми. Да, тази Сърбия потиска хърватите в държавата си, потиска българите, нарушава техните права, мачка ги, гледа да ги разселва, да ги асимилира, да ги изгони и продължава да се държи по начин, който е неприемлив и недопустим. Това е тази, днешна Сърбия. И аз се учудвам, тук има хора, които са грамотни. Как си мислите, че ако продължавате да се подмазвате на тези, на управляващите в Белград, които са прокси на Кремъл, те какво, ще станат европейци изведнъж? Не, няма да станат. Тази Сърбия, която е проводник на Кремъл и на Путин, няма място в Европейския съюз, разберете го.

(Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot päättyvät)

  Janez Lenarčič, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, thank you very much for this discussion. I believe that these unprecedented times call for even stronger engagement with our Western Balkan partners, including Serbia, in order to support the strategic decision to join the European Union, which is also Serbia’s strategic decision.

I also believe that the Russian aggression against Ukraine is a wake—up call on the need to accelerate the accession process for the Western Balkans. We have no time to lose.

The Western Balkans remain a priority for the European Union. At the EU Western Balkans leaders meeting on 23 June, the EU leaders reiterated their full and unequivocal commitment to the EU membership perspective of the Western Balkans. They called for the acceleration of this process – however, based on credible reforms by partners, fair and rigorous conditionality and the principles of own merits.

The European Union will therefore continue its strong support – political, technical and financial – to all six partners in the Western Balkans to help them advance the key political, institutional, social and economic reforms which are necessary to achieve progress on their path towards EU membership.

Speaking about reforms, let me underline that the rule of law is a cornerstone of European values and it is a fundamental condition in the accession process. In 2020, the Commission adopted the revised enlargement methodology, which puts fundamental reforms – especially the rule of law – even further at the heart of the process and of our engagement. This is also the case with Serbia.

The assessment of the progress of the countries on the EU reform path is subject to a long and thorough process. The final decision is made by the college as a collegial body, and this will also be the case for this year’s report.

Concerning alignment, let me repeat that Serbia has demonstrated its commitment to EU values by aligning with several EU declarations and by supporting the relevant UN General Assembly resolutions on Ukraine. Nevertheless, as a candidate country, Serbia is expected to progressively align its policies towards third countries with the policies and positions adopted by the European Union, including restrictive measures. We are in contact with Serbian authorities to help them to increase the alignment rate with the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy, including restrictive measures against Russia.

We count on Serbia, as a sincere European partner to stand with us and our common values, security and prosperity. On the Commission side, we will continue to do all we can to speed up Serbia’s pace of negotiations and support the EU perspective of the Western Balkans as a whole.

  Vladimír Bilčík, rapporteur. – Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, I want to thank all of you who took the floor today. I would like to thank those who see Serbia as a strategically important partner in the Western Balkans, and who understand that Serbia’s successful EU path is more important now than ever.

I have noted all of your concerns and I will communicate them to the Serbian political leadership. Let me just say three things. One: accession talks are not single issue talks. Serbia did open Cluster 4 last year and can make progress on accession talks if it makes progress on domestic reforms.

I do believe – and this is my second point – that Serbia belongs in the European Union. But much has to be done by the leadership and the new government and new parliament in Belgrade.

Third point, when I look at the past 100 years of Serbian history, I certainly do not see Russia as playing a dominant role. I hope that all the relevant pro-European and Serbian political forces can discover and rediscover this part of their history and base their decisions on this when looking to the future.

I am convinced that Serbia has a European future and Serbia’s place is among the EU Member States. But at the same time, after the April 2022 elections and Russia’s war aggression, there is a real sense of urgency that all parties in Serbia move forward decisively on their European path. This report reflects factually on the complex political reality in Serbia and encourages all pro-European forces in that country to focus fully on progress in rule of law reforms, the Belgrade—Pristina dialogue and alignment with EU international positions.

We note – and I think all of us heard it today – that much can be done for Serbia’s move towards the European Union. As the European Parliament’s rapporteur, I stand ready to engage with the new leadership in Belgrade in order to work on the European future of Serbia.

  Puhemies. – Keskustelu on päättynyt. Äänestys toimitetaan huomenna 6. heinäkuuta 2022.

Kirjalliset lausumat (työjärjestyksen 171 artikla)

  Kinga Gál (NI), írásban. – Különösen ilyen nehéz időkben kiemelt érdekünk a Nyugat-Balkán stabilitása és biztonsága. Meg kell tennünk mindent, hogy megfelelően kezeljük e régió integrációját. Nem lassítani, hanem lendíteni kell a bővítési folyamaton. Természetesen minden ország eleget kell, hogy tegyen a csatlakozási feltételeknek, csak így tud az EU hiteles maradni. Az országok tagjelöltségét azonos értékek és feltételek mellett szükséges mérlegelni. Szerbia már évek óta vár előrelépésre a csatlakozási folyamatban és igyekszik megtenni az uniós feltételekhez szükséges lépéseket. A jelentés azonban nem segíti elő Szerbia uniós csatlakozási folyamatát, túlzásokkal teli szöveg lassíthatja ezt, elidegenítve Szerbiát az Uniótól. Mindeközben megkérdőjelezhetővé válik az EU szavahihetősége is.

Elfogadhatatlan ugyanakkor a bővítésért felelős biztost ért alaptalan kritika és vád, hogy részrehajló lenne Szerbia viszonylatában. Amikor a Nyugat-Balkán stabilitása kulcskérdés kellene legyen az Unió számára, elfogadhatatlan az is, hogy Magyarország-ellenesség sem maradhat ki a Szerbia, Bosznia, vagy Koszovót érintő jelentésekből. Függetlenül attól melyik országjelentésről legyen szó, abszurd módon szerepel a szövegekben, hogy Magyarország Szerbiával együtt lehetővé teszi Oroszország és Kína geopolitikai céljainak megvalósulását. Ezeket a nevetséges állításokat elutasítjuk. Magyarország a Nyugat-Balkán, így Szerbia uniós csatlakozásának egyik legfőbb támogatója, Szerbia mielőbbi EU-tagságát a leghatározottabban támogatjuk.

  Jean-Lin Lacapelle (ID), par écrit. – Le rapport 2021 concernant la Serbie contient une série d’incohérences et d’inexactitudes, et montre, par ailleurs, une véritable ingérence dans la politique intérieure et extérieure du plus important pays des Balkans occidentaux. Parmi les nombreux passages «intéressants», nous avons choisi deux perles: le constat que le parlement a parfois été dissout de manière anticipée et le regret quant au fait que la Serbie ne se soit pas alignée complètement sur la politique étrangère de l’Union. Tout d’abord, le rapport critique de manière malveillante une soi-disant instabilité politique du pays. À notre avis, ce n'est rien d’autre que le signe d’une certaine vitalité démocratique. D’ailleurs, le rapport semble oublier que le champion de l’instabilité politique ne se trouve pas dans les Balkans occidentaux, mais parmi les pays fondateurs de l’Union, avec un record de 67 gouvernements depuis 1946. Enfin, la critique de non-alignement est paradoxale, quand on sait que Belgrade, après en avoir été à l’origine, a accueilli en 2021 le XIXe sommet du Mouvement des non-alignés. Une critique révélatrice de la volonté de l’Union de réduire les souverainetés nationales au profit d’une superstructure fédérale destinée à soumettre les nations européennes à la doxa dominante.