Пълен протокол на разискванията

Вторник, 13 декември 2022 г. - Страсбург

19. Годишен доклад за изпълнението на споразумението за асоцииране между ЕС и Грузия (разискване)

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über den Bericht von Sven Mikser im Namen des Ausschusses für Auswärtige Angelegenheiten über die Umsetzung des Assoziierungsabkommens zwischen der EU und Georgien (2021/2236(INI)) (A9-0274/2022)

  Sven Mikser, rapporteur. – Mr President, colleagues, even as a potential candidate country, Georgia today offers a very mixed picture. The signals coming out of the country are also very mixed, but I will try to start on a positive note.

As an associated country, Georgia enjoys an exceptionally privileged partnership with the EU. I believe that full implementation of the Association Agreement and the DCFTA will continue to be the best way to develop Georgia’s economy and improve the welfare of its people. Moreover, we know that Georgians’ ambitions do not end with the implementation of the agreement and the DCFTA, indeed Georgia’s quest to join the Union enjoys overwhelming support among the population of the country. This overwhelming support for Georgia’s European future should allow the country’s political parties to come together, overcome their differences and dislikes, and work across the aisle towards a truly national goal. So it should be.

In some policy areas indeed impressive reforms have taken place over the years. When it comes, for example, to the approximation of the national legislation with the EU acquis, Georgia continues to be a frontrunner among the aspirants in the EU’s eastern neighbourhood. However, when it comes to demonstrating the ability of Georgia’s democratic structures and the country’s sustainable commitment to certain key European values, the narrow party political considerations and personal antagonisms of individual strongmen still seem to take priority over strategic national objectives.

Such a toxic political culture could prove detrimental not only to Georgia’s European aspirations, but to the nation’s long-term security and prosperity as a whole. The EU and the European Parliament continue to stand ready to assist and advise Georgian authorities on how to successfully deliver on the legitimate aspirations of the Georgian people. The 12 priorities identified by the Commission as a precondition for achieving EU candidate status should be seen as a helping hand, and Georgian authorities should seek to make the best use of it.

During the past months, the Georgian Parliament and Government have taken serious steps to address some of the Commission’s recommendations. However, the recommendations that lie at the core of the political polarisation still appear elusive. The policy areas where much more tangible progress is needed include the next phase of the judicial reform. Very little has happened here. The fight against corruption, ensuring media freedom, eliminating the excessive influence of vested interests, or the so-called oligarchs, as well as protecting minority rights. None of these can be resolved by the quick adoption of a single piece of legislation by a narrow parliamentary majority. Rather, they require a systemic implementation of complex reforms which can only be successful if the political opposition and civil society are genuinely involved in the process.

One particular case we are carefully following is the election of the new public defender. I would like to commend how the process has been conducted so far, but I would also like to stress that in the end, the result is as important as the process. Therefore, an inclusive and transparent selection process has to result in the election of a truly independent and professional ombudsperson who has the full confidence of civil society.

Let me refer to one of the very last statements by the now former public defender, Nino Lomjaria, regarding the court case and indictment of Nika Gvaramia. The statement said that the case lacks justification and does not correspond to the fundamental principles of criminal law. As such, the statement points to a number of key problem areas in Georgia today – the independence of the judiciary, media freedom, as well as the need for an independent public defender.

Another outstanding issue, which is becoming more urgent by the day, is the fate of former President Mikheil Saakashvili. The European Parliament has repeatedly expressed our concern over the issue and has called for Mr Saakashvili’s prison sentence to be deferred, so as to allow him to seek medical treatment abroad. In the light of recent alarming reports, and as Mr Saakashvili’s health continues to deteriorate, the issue is becoming more urgent by day.

I am fully aware that in Georgia, the legacy of the former President continues to be an extremely divisive issue. So what I would like to say very clearly is that we see his release as a purely humanitarian issue, and our call does not express legal, political or any other assessment regarding his case.

Last, regarding the ongoing Russian war against Ukraine, I appreciate Georgia’s clear position in various international fora, notably the UN. But Georgia has consistently voted with the EU to condemn Russia’s unprovoked aggression and crimes against Ukrainian people. At the same time, I am deeply concerned about the rhetoric of some Georgian political leaders who accuse the European Union and our partners of wanting to drag Georgia into the war.

These accusations are blatantly wrong. The EU has consistently supported and will continue to support Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. The EU is a peace project, and Georgia will never have to choose between Europe and peace. Indeed, choosing Europe means choosing peace.

To my colleagues at the EP, I want to say that while we absolutely need to make sure that our would-be members progressively align with our common foreign and security policy instruments, and that the sanctions we have imposed on the aggressor are not evaded by third countries, we must always diligently follow the facts rather than our suspicions or insinuations. I believe that Georgia’s vital place is in Europe, but it’s for the Georgian politicians to deliver.

  President. – Mr Mikser, you used your whole speaking time also for then, so you have speaking time also at the end.

  Helena Dalli, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, your resolution comes at an important juncture for EU—Georgia relations. The European perspective granted last June set our relations on an even closer course, building upon the long—standing cooperation anchored in the Association Agreement. The EU—Georgia Association Agreement remains a strong driver for reform, bringing the country closer to the EU’s values, principles, standards and legislation.

The European path sets the bar high as regards the standards Georgia needs to meet and brings increased scrutiny and monitoring of reforms. At the same time, it also provides a wider set of tools to accompany Georgia in this process. So I start with the important reforms which have always been at the core of the EU—Georgia Association Agreement, and which are also reflected in the 12 priorities: an ambitious and comprehensive judicial reform, ensuring the independence, integrity and transparency of key judicial institutions, as well as systemic and inclusive review of the electoral legislation, remain essential. It is positive that the Georgian authorities have submitted a number of legislative amendments to the OSCE/ODIHR and the Venice Commission, and we encourage the full implementation of their recommendations, including on key reform elements that are currently missing in the draft legislation.

On the fight against corruption, a new anti-corruption bureau is due to be set up, and I want to underline the need to ensure that this bureau is truly independent. The OSCE/ODIHR and the Venice Commission’s opinion would also be very relevant here. An independent ombud is also a key element in a democratic society. I welcome the fact that the selection process of a new public defender has been, until now, inclusive and transparent, and we look forward to it concluding in the same manner.

I hope that the political parties can reach a consensus that also involves a significant number of opposition parties in order to support the next public defender’s independence. In our political dialogue, we have also been following closely the situation of former President Mikheil Saakashvili, recalling, both bilaterally and publicly, the authorities’ responsibility for his health and well-being, as well, of course, as his right to a fair trial.

Turning now to the economic sectoral cooperation with Georgia, the process of aligning national law with EU law, as part of the Association Agreement, is overall on track and progressing in these areas. A thorough analysis of Georgia’s state of preparedness regarding the EU acquis is due by the end of this year. At the same time, the EU is fully behind Georgia’s efforts to become a digital and energy hub across an increasingly important economic corridor between the East and the West.

We also understand Georgia’s vulnerable position in the current geopolitical context, and we remain firmly supportive of its sovereignty and territorial integrity. We also remain committed to further strengthening Georgia’s resilience. I stress that the EU remains a close friend and partner to Georgia. This is a crucial moment for the whole country to unite and work resolutely for the common strategic goal of EU membership.

VORSITZ: EVELYN REGNER
Vizepräsidentin

  Markéta Gregorová, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on International Trade. – Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, Georgia is one of our most important partners, which is close to many of our hearts. We have been pointing out for years that the areas of democracy, rule of law, fundamental freedoms and human rights in Georgia have significant issues without improvement on many elements, which is why the report on Georgia is somewhat critical.

Implementing genuine and thorough reforms and addressing the shortcomings of the current legislation is a must. There is no space for rushed laws and politically motivated processes. If there is a will for a European future, for candidate status, there will be a path. That’s why it’s essential to undo the injustices done. Georgia needs to take the next steps towards its goal of EU membership.

Now I am addressing the Georgian politicians directly: put aside your differences; work towards the assignment – the unique opportunity that would fulfil so many aspirations of so many of your citizens of Georgia.

  Miriam Lexmann (PPE), on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, colleagues, Georgia used to be a front runner in reforms within the Eastern Partnership countries. That’s why it is all the more frustrating to observe the negative trends impacting the country’s developments. We must acknowledge that the progress in some sectoral reforms has taken place, but we cannot ignore the overall state of democratic processes and rule of law.

Political leaders are deeply dividing not just the political space, but also the society. The ruling party continues to ignore the agreement of 19 April 2021. Despite the will and readiness of this House, the Jean Monnet dialogue continues to stall. One oligarch continues to hold excessive influence over the political landscape. We have seen attacks against journalists. The judiciary is misused for political pressure and the democratic political process continues to deteriorate. To the contrary, we expect that the trumped-up political charges against Nika Gvaramia must be dropped and he must be released. And the former President Saakashvili must be allowed to undergo medical treatment abroad in accordance with Article 283 of the Criminal Procedures Code of Georgia.

Overcoming these serious challenges is the key to Georgia’s European future, but also in strengthening the country’s democracy, as well as the resilience in light of today’s Georgian situation. As friends of the Georgian people and the champions of their European aspirations, we must be honest about these developments and not waiver in our support for Georgia’s democracy.

  Nacho Sánchez Amor, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señora presidenta, se han cometido errores con Georgia, también de nuestro lado. Yo creo que ponerla en una situación diferente de Moldavia y de Ucrania lo fue. Pero tampoco las autoridades y la oposición del país están ayudando. Todo se conjura para retrasar el inicio de una agenda política normalizada. Todo se conjura para mantener una polarización que está poniendo en peligro el proyecto europeo del país y, quizá, incluso su propio futuro soberano.

Por tanto, el sistema tiene que liberar presión. En ese sentido, no solo por su situación personal sino porque yo creo que es conveniente para el país, sería bueno que se suspendiera la pena de prisión al expresidente Saakashvili por motivos de salud y para recibir atención médica. Esto no va a solucionar por sí mismo el asunto, pero creo que ayudará a atraer a los actores políticos, o una agenda más normalizada, y a acabar con esa polarización que todos identificamos como el principal problema político del país.

  Viola von Cramon-Taubadel, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, it is hard for me to admit but Georgia, once a poster child of the Eastern Partnership, is now a captured state.

Democratic backsliding continues to accelerate. The justice system is ruled by clans, while prominent cases are politically motivated, like the unjustified imprisonment of Nika Gvaramia.

The government has borrowed a page or two from Putin’s disinformation handbook. It is spreading lies against the EU, the US, and even against NATO. It is nothing but a shameless lie that the West wants to drag Georgia into the war. Media freedom is deteriorating while pro-Russian radicals are allowed to unleash violence on the media and minority.

The root of this democratic decay is none other than the biggest oligarch of the country, Bidzina Ivanishvili. Ten years ago, he promised an amazing democracy but delivered a captured state. Because of all this, Georgia did not get the candidate status. The EU integration is in Georgia’s constitution. And those who fail will have to answer to future generations. And, of course, we need to free Misha for humanitarian reasons.

  Bernhard Zimniok, im Namen der ID-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Georgien an die EU heranzuführen, ist ein weiterer Versuch, die Außengrenzen bis nach Asien zu erweitern. Dabei sind die Probleme in Europa nicht ansatzweise gelöst. Das neue Erweiterungsprojekt wird die Kräfte erst recht überstrapazieren. Es gibt nicht einmal eine Landverbindung nach Georgien. Dafür würde eine Aufnahme die EU-Grenzen bis hin zu Russland, der Türkei und Aserbaidschan verschieben.

Nicht nur ist das Konfliktpotenzial mit solchen Nachbarn gewaltig. Es wird auch Tür und Tor für neue Migrationsströme geöffnet. Denn was Erdoğan und Lukaschenka heute schon können, das werden auch andere versuchen: die EU mit immer neuen Migranten erpressen. Jeder weitere Mitgliedstaat wird den Schutz der Schengen-Grenzen zusätzlich erschweren – schlimme Nachrichten für den größten Teil der europäischen Bürger.

Wer außer uns hier steht denn noch ein für die Bürger, die uns gewählt haben? Die EU-Kommission jedenfalls nicht. Soll nun Georgien als nächstes Land Milliarden aus Brüssel kassieren? Der Erweiterungsprozess muss gestoppt werden, oder die EU wird es als solche zerreißen.

  Adam Bielan, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, dear Commissioner, in view of the Kremlin’s illegal war waged against Ukraine, the European Parliament’s involvement in and support to Georgia has become even more crucial to the stability of the region. Georgia is one of the founding members of the Eastern Partnership and remains a key partner of the European Union. However, I would like to highlight a few short- and long—term objectives of our work together, which still remain to be achieved.

First, the inhumane detention of former President Mikheil Saakashvili must come to an end, as a sign of political appeasement. Mr Saakashvili’s release has been requested several times, and his worsening medical condition leads me to renew this call. His condition must be treated abroad as soon as possible. From this place, I would like to welcome Mr Saakashvili’s family, who are present today in the gallery.

Second, Russian propaganda and disinformation campaigns are swiftly spreading in Georgia and are objects of political utilisation. These two issues are not acceptable for a candidate country, especially in the current context, and should be addressed immediately. If they are not resolved, Georgia should not be granted candidate status.

  Rasa Juknevičienė (PPE). – Madam President, dear colleagues, Georgia belongs in Europe. It was torn away from Europe by force by Soviet Russia. Today, 20% of its territory is still under Russian occupation. The remaining bloodstained dividing lines in Europe imposed by Stalin and Hitler must be erased. Georgia’s membership of the EU is the best way to achieve it.

I am convinced that Georgia will be a member of the European Union. The Georgian people deserve it. I am also sure that EU enlargement makes the EU stronger, including its security. However, I am not sure if Bidzina Ivanishvili, who is holding Georgia hostage, is aiming for the same as the Georgian people.

The Georgian authorities know very well what they have to do. All is written in the recommendation of the Commission and they have to do it without manipulations or pretence. Keeping the seriously—ill former President Mikhail Saakashvili in prison is not a European value. Torturing people is Putin’s policy.

I call on the Georgian authorities, including the President, to do everything so that the issue of Mikhail Saakashvili’s life does not fall on their conscience.

  Juozas Olekas (S&D). – Pirmininke, gerbiama komisijos nare. Iš tikrųjų buvo pasakyta: Gruzija yra svarbi mūsų partnerė ir Gruzijos žmonės ne kartą yra pareiškę, kad jie renkasi europinį kelią. Tačiau kaip Komisijos narė sakė, kartelė Gruzijai pakelta aukštai ir laukiame, kad Gruzija įgyvendintų pateiktas 12 rekomendacijų. Galime konstatuoti, kad Gruzija daro tam tikrą pažangą, ypatingai kovoje su korupcija, skaitmeninėje saugumo srityje. Tačiau reikia pabrėžti, kad teisės viršenybė, demokratijos įgyvendinimas, laisvos spaudos teisės toli gražu dar nėra tokios, kokių mes norėtume. Noriu pabrėžti taip pat, kad humanitariniais pagrindais mes turėtume būtinai reikalauti, kad buvusiam prezidentui Saakašviliui būtų suteikta galimybė gauti nepriklausomą medicinos pagalbą. Gruzija turėtų veikti visuomenės konsolidacijos kryptimi ir bendromis jėgomis susitelkti į reformų įgyvendinimą. Į Komisiją kreipčiausi prašydamas dar labiau sustiprinti administracinę pagalbą toms reformoms įgyvendinti.

  Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Szanowni Państwo! Ja również, tak jak mój kolega, pan poseł Adam Bielan, chciałbym wyrazić słowa poparcia, wsparcia dla obecnych tutaj bliskich pana prezydenta Micheila Saakaszwilego.

Polska i Gruzja to kraje, które łączy wielowiekowa, bardzo bliska współpraca – dlatego Gruzja jest priorytetowym partnerem Polski w regionie Kaukazu Południowego. Niezłomnie popieramy suwerenność i integralność terytorialną Gruzji w jej uznanych przez społeczność międzynarodową granicach, co podkreślamy również podczas naszego przewodnictwa w OBWE.

Potwierdzamy również nasze niezachwiane wsparcie dla euroatlantyckich aspiracji Gruzji. Polska podtrzymuje swoje zobowiązania do polityki otwartych drzwi w odniesieniu do przyszłego, pełnego członkostwa Gruzji w Unii Europejskiej i NATO. Nie ma alternatywy, zwłaszcza że naród gruziński zdecydowanie popiera ten kierunek.

Ale trzeba powiedzieć wyraźnie: Gruzja nigdy nie wejdzie do Unii Europejskiej, jeżeli w sposób tak niehumanitarny i bestialski będzie traktowała polityków. I tutaj dzisiaj powinny popłynąć słowa szczególnego poparcia i wsparcia dla ciężko chorego pana prezydenta Saakaszwilego, któremu dzisiaj władze Gruzji odmawiają humanitarnych, ludzkich praw do tego, aby być leczonym. W ciele pana prezydenta znaleziono metale ciężkie. No jako żywo bardziej przypomina to standardy Putina niż demokratycznego państwa prawa.

  David McAllister (PPE). – Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Georgia is part of Europe. Georgia belongs to Europe. But as we have heard tonight, to be granted EU candidate status, Georgia needs to successfully address the 12 key priorities indicated by the Commission. The Georgian bid for membership will continue to be assessed based on its own merits and its success in implementing all the necessary reforms. Unfortunately, the tense political situation hampers the country’s development.

I want to make five remarks. First, political stakeholders need to refrain from any divisive and aggressive rhetoric, and unite their forces in order to increase trust among all political and institutional actors. Second, the excessive influence of vested interests in economic, political and public life needs to be eliminated. Third, Georgian authorities need to ensure media freedom. This entails editorial independence, transparent media ownership of pluralistic, impartial and non-discriminatory coverage of political views. Fourth, political leaders in Georgia must stop aggressive verbal attacks against Members of our European Parliament and representatives of other partner countries.

And finally – and this is also personal for me – as Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I call on the Georgian authorities: please, please release former President Saakashvili and allow him to undergo proper medical treatment.

  Cristian Terheş (ECR). – Madam President, Europeans are now feeling the costs of the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine because it is closer to them. But we should never forget that Georgia was the first country against which Russia waged a war of aggression in August 2008. That happened after the recognition of Kosovo and after Germany and France refused to accept Georgia and Ukraine in NATO during the NATO summit in Bucharest.

If Europe would have taken a stronger position against Russia after its war against Georgia, we could have avoided the war of aggression against Ukraine. After being devastated by Russia’s war, and even after 20% of its territory has been illegally occupied by Russian forces since 2008, Georgia has not retreated from its pro-Western course. Georgia was a front-runner among the Eastern Partnership countries, and Georgia is part of the Associated Trio.

The popular support for these European and Euro-Atlantic aspirations are now explicitly written in its Constitution. We should never forget that governments come and go, but nations and people stay.

The Georgian nation and people need our support and a strong sign from the EU now. Georgia’s place is in the EU, and they need our unequivocal support to achieve this goal.

  Lukas Mandl (PPE). – Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, I had the privilege to visit Georgia with the Subcommittee on Security and Defence of this very parliament earlier this year, in April. Mr Olekas, our colleague, who is also present in this debate, was always a part of our parliamentary endeavour there. We were standing at the border to the occupied territories, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

And when we read the title of this very discussion today, ‘Annual implementing report on the EU association agreement with Georgia’, we have to state that this is not any annual report. It’s a report in a very specific year, in a year of the so-called shift of paradigms, as all the experts say and as all of us in political life experience and Georgia is more or less at the frontline of the free world, of the Western world.

Georgia has a clear tendency towards the European Union, European values. A lot has to be done in terms of reforms when it comes to the rule of law, when it comes to fighting corruption, when it comes to also proper political competition, not political fight on a sometimes basis of hatred in the country, when it comes to media freedom.

But one could feel and can feel in Georgia that there is a clear European attitude in the population, and as the other parts of the Eastern Partnership, meaning here Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, Georgia can become an EU Member State in the future undergoing these reforms. And we have to run for that even more than in the past due to this shift of paradigms.

  Liudas Mažylis (PPE). – Gerbiamas Pirmininke, pakartosiu, ką jau esu čia kalbėjęs. Europos Sąjunga ima patirti nuovargį nuo plėtros politikos. Ir eilinis pavyzdys – kandidatės statuso nesuteikimas Sakartvelui. O juk pagal apklausų duomenis, net 75 proc. Sakartvelo gyventojų pasisako už europinę integraciją. Tokie skaičiai net nematyti daugelyje Europos Sąjungos senbuvių. Nuo 2016 m. Sakartvelas dėjo nemažai pastangų vykdyti ekonomines, žmogaus teisių ir antikorupcijos asociacijos sutartyje numatytas reformas ir buvo vienas pirmaujančių Rytų partnerystėje. Agresyviam Rusijos karui Ukrainoje prasidėjus, kovo 3 d. Sakartvelas pateikė paraišką dėl narystės Europos Sąjungoje. Tačiau viskas, ką gavo, tai šių metų birželį pripažinta europinė perspektyva. To per maža pozityviai žiniai. O pozityvių ženklų siuntimas iš Europos vidinei Sakartvelo demokratinei raidai yra nepaprastai svarbu. Užkraudami jai, o ir kitoms valstybėms vis naujų vykdytinų darbų, permąstykime, ar tikrai taip išplėsim draugų ratą, ar nepabloginam požiūrio į save, ar nedidinam euroskepticizmo? Politiniai įsipareigojimai vienų kitiems visada turi būti dvišaliai. Pagrįstai reikalaudami progreso iš kitų, turime progresuoti ir patys, siųsti Sakartvelui aiškesnę, pozityvią žinią.

Žinoma, aš prisijungiu prie čia pasisakiusių dėl prezidento Saakašvilio.

Spontane Wortmeldungen

  Seán Kelly (PPE). – A Uachtaráin, it’s always interesting to listen to the perspectives of MEPs who go and visit a country and to hear what they have to say. And in that regard, it was interesting to listen to colleagues speaking about Georgia.

Obviously, because of the war in Ukraine, things have changed dramatically, and more and more countries in an eastern neighbourhood see not just their economic viability, but their actual viability per se, as being guaranteed only by joining the European Union and that is something which we should be proud of, but something we should facilitate.

And I think in relation to countries like Georgia, they should be given a time-limit by which they reach the standards required. Having countries like Georgia and Moldova and others on a list ad infinitum, stretching them out, is not fair to them. So, there should be a time limit by which they’re told: you reach these targets by then, otherwise, you wait for another ten years. But you need some type of certainty, and I think that’s what Georgia needs now, because they would be very valuable Members of the European Union.

(Ende der spontanen Wortmeldungen)

  Helena Dalli, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, the debate today testifies to our continued engagement and desire to see Georgia succeed in its reforms and on the European path.

But we need also Georgia to work hard and deliver on these reforms, particularly on the 12 priorities, in an inclusive process involving the opposition and civil society and consulting European partners. It is the only way for the country to advance on its chosen European path for the benefit of the future of all Georgian citizens who expect their aspirations to be met.

With regard to what the EU has done on the Saakashvili case, we have consistently stressed both in private meetings and publicly that the Georgian authorities have a legal responsibility to ensure the health of all detainees, to provide adequate medical treatment and to respect their fundamental rights, in line with Georgia’s international commitments.

Hence, the Georgian authorities are responsible to act if the health condition of Mr Saakashvili is in critical condition. The EU has repeatedly urged the Georgian authorities to implement recommendations by independent medical experts and to implement the interim measures issued by the ECHR.

Throughout recent months, and most recently on Wednesday last week, we commented publicly to the media that the responsibility for the health of Mr Saakashvili rests with the state. This is not as a matter of political choice, but as a matter of fundamental human rights.

With regard to a timeline for Georgia to join the EU, as you know becoming a member of the European Union is not something that happens overnight. It is subject to a thorough process involving substantial work across all membership criteria. So the pace of accession depends on the progress in reform, first and foremost in the fundamental areas, starting with the rule of law.

Right now, Georgia is encouraged to address the 12 points outlined by the European Commission in order to receive candidate status. The Council has invited the Commission to report on the fulfilment of these steps and priorities as part of its regular enlargement package in 2023.

  Die Präsidentin. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet am Mittwoch, 14. Dezember 2022, statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 171)

  Urmas Paet (Renew), kirjalikult. – See raport on sattunud Gruusia jaoks ajalooliselt pöördelisele ajale. Nimelt, tänavu 3. märtsil esitas Gruusia ametliku taotluse Euroopa Liidu liikmeks saamiseks ning Euroopa Ülemkogu otsustas tänavu juunis tunnustada Gruusia Euroopa Liiduga ühinemise väljavaadet. Gruusial tuleb enne kandidaatriigi staatuse saamist lahendada loetelu esmatähtsaid ülesandeid. Vajalike meetmete võtmine enne Euroopa Komisjoni järgmist hindamist peaks olema kõigi Gruusia poliitiliste jõudude üldeesmärk. See on Gruusia jaoks ajalooline võimalus, mida tuleb ära kasutada. Vaja on poliitilist tegutsemistahet, et toetada Gruusia rahva selget toetust oma riigi integreerumisele Euroopa Liiduga. Samuti tuleks üle saada poliitilisest polariseerumisest, mis riigile ainult kahju toob. Gruusial on selleks võimalus teha ka tihedat koostööd Ukraina ning Moldovaga, kuivõrd kõik need kolm riiki püüdlevad ELiga liitumise poole. Tunnustan Gruusia ühiskonna tugevat toetust Ukrainale ning kutsun Gruusia ametivõime üles hoidma ELiga ühist välispoliitilist liini Ukraina toetamisel ning kinni pidama ELi sanktsioonidest ja tagama, et Gruusia kaudu ei toimuks kõrvalehoidmist Venemaa Ukraina-vastase agressioonisõja tõttu kehtestatud rahvusvahelistest sanktsioonidest.