Relato integral dos debates

Terça-feira, 14 de Fevereiro de 2023 - Estrasburgo

15. Período de perguntas (Comissão) - Política reforçada de alargamento da UE para os Balcãs Ocidentais

  Presidente. – Segue-se o período de perguntas à Comissão ao abrigo do artigo 137.º do Regimento sobre Política reforçada de alargamento da União Europeia para os Balcãs Ocidentais.

Dou, por isso, as boas-vindas ao Comissário Várhelyi para este período de perguntas.

Como sabem, este período de perguntas durará cerca de 90 minutos. Haverá um minuto para fazer a pergunta, dois minutos para a resposta, 30 segundos para uma pergunta suplementar e, ainda, dois minutos para a resposta.

Quero recordar aos colegas que a eventual pergunta suplementar só será atribuída se estiver estritamente relacionada com a pergunta principal e não consistir numa nova pergunta.

Se desejar fazer uma pergunta, convidamo-lo a registar o seu pedido agora, utilizando a função «catch-the-eye» na respetiva máquina de voto, depois de ter inserido o seu cartão de voto.

Durante o período de perguntas, as intervenções serão efetuadas a partir do vosso lugar e convido todos os oradores a respeitarem o tempo de uso da palavra atribuído.

Os colegas podem precisar de alguns momentos para registar o pedido de pergunta através do dispositivo de votação. Por conseguinte, solicito que apresentem o vosso pedido agora para que possamos iniciar o nosso debate.

  Андрей Ковачев (PPE). – Г-н Председател, г-н Комисар, драги Оливер. Първо искам да започна с благодарност към Вашите усилия по процеса на присъединяване на страните от Западните Балкани, въпреки всички многопластови проблеми, свързани със страните кандидатки, исторически свързани с идентичност, регионални и религиозни въпроси, както и влиянието на Русия. Македонските българи, както и всички други граждани, трябва да живеят в сигурност и спокойствие за себе си и своите семейства. Те трябва да имат еднакви възможности за образование и кариерно развитие, както и да живеят в среда без дискриминация и омраза към тях. Това е основата на нашия Европейски съюз и не е някакъв банален билатерален спор.

Печеленето на популистки, псевдонационалистически гласове с тази тема работи срещу интересите на гражданите на Македония. Това е, което искам да Ви попитам. Какво още Комисията и Вие лично можете да направите за преодоляването на тази инерция от миналото, за преодоляването на омразата в общественото говорене, в академичния свят, в политическите среди в Република Северна Македония? За да може да подпомогнем по-бързото присъединяване на тази държава към Европейския съюз, което е в интерес на всички нас.

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Well, I think it was very important that, in the case of North Macedonia, we have very clear rules set out not only in the negotiating framework itself, that has led for the first IGC to be convened, but also in the Council conclusion adopting this common framework for the negotiations. And in there the criteria is very clear. Good neighbourly relations and treaties that are there to provide for this are to be implemented fully. And this is part of, of course, the accession process and the Commission is going to monitor this. This year we will again look into the progress.

Yes, I have seen developments, and I have received also representatives of citizens of North Macedonia identifying themselves as Bulgarians and they have also explained recent developments, but I take comfort in the fact that the government in Skopje is not only aware, but also acting to eradicate any violence or any hatred against Bulgarians. You have seen an immediate reaction from the government itself and the perpetrators have been arrested. There are ongoing police, and then – I hope – judiciary, procedures going on and I think that this should also give us a very clear guidance in terms of the level of commitment of the government of North Macedonia in this regard.

  Andrey Kovatchev (PPE). – Thank you very much, dear Olivér, for what you said. And I followed very closely also the negotiation framework and the implementation of this prerequisite for the starting of the second governmental conference. But can you please confirm that this is not only the change of the constitution but also the respect of the treaty from 2017, which – it is very important to mention and to emphasise the treaty – which, with the two protocols, are also something which the Commission is monitoring for the starting of the negotiations? Thank you very much.

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, yes, I can confirm it is in the negotiating framework. It is part and parcel together with the Prespa Agreement, and the Commission has to monitor this. This is part of the general political criteria under the negotiating framework, part of the general principles. This is why, as I told you, this year we will again give full reporting on this, coming up in the autumn.

  Matjaž Nemec (S&D). – Hvala lepa za besedo. Spoštovani komisar! Znana so vam prizadevanja evropskih poslancev za podelitev statusa kandidatke Bosni in Hercegovini za članstvo v Evropski uniji. Tudi sam sem bil eden od bolj izpostavljenih evropskih poslancev v tem postopku.

Evropska komisija je v zadnjem širitvenem paketu napovedala realizacijo političnega foruma na visoki ravni z Bosno in Hercegovino in s tem so se strinjale tudi države članice. Kako in kdaj bi lahko takšno srečanje organizirali?

Znano je, da se je prav moja država Republika Slovenija ponudila za organizatorko tovrstnega dogodka. Kajti Republika Slovenija se je zelo izpostavila pri podelitvi statusa kandidatke Bosni in Hercegovini. In, se vam zdi smiselno organizirati takšno srečanje skupaj z državami članicami, kot je bilo dogovorjeno? Hvala lepa.

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Yes, we are waiting for the institutions to be set up in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Actually, it is going ahead quite steadily. And once we see clearly that the institutions are there, of course, we will reach out to the government and the presidency and also to the federation level and the Republika Srpska Government to set up this high-level political dialogue.

The purpose back then, when we proposed this to the Council and the Council followed it, was to set up a forum where those actors of the institutions are present who are there to deliver on the 8 priorities and then all the 14 key priorities. So we will need the institutions to be not only up and running, but also to engage with us and amongst themselves to be able to deliver on that. This is the idea behind the whole setting-up of such a forum.

Now, when it comes to the actual work, of course we will need the help of the Member States with the most knowledge. One could be, of course, Slovenia. And what I can tell you is that, yes, we have been approached by the Government of Slovenia and we are in contact with the government how to best use their potential help, for example, when it comes to technical support, because these are reforms that are quite complex and reforms where it’s not only the legislation that matters, but also the implementation. Slovenia should be in a position to help us to deliver also in terms of enforcement and also in terms of creating a track record in Bosnia and Herzegovina when it comes to the implementation of these reforms.

   Klemen Grošelj (Renew). – Spoštovani komisar. Po dodelitvi statusa kandidatke Bosni in Hercegovini ter začetku pogajanj z Albanijo in Severno Makedonijo se ponovno zdi, da je prišel proces širitve na Zahodni Balkan spet v neki prosti tek.

Zato vas sprašujem, ali bo Komisija glede na dogajanja na terenu, kjer dejansko vidimo popolno stagnacijo v nekaterih državah kandidatkah. Celo v tistih, ki se pogajajo za pristop, pa vidimo celo nazadovanje pri nekaterih najbolj temeljnih in ključnih področjih pogajanj.

Ali Komisija namerava spremeniti svoj relativno pasiven pristop do teh držav in začeti konkreten proaktivni odnos in spodbujanje doseganja teh držav – ne samo, da napredujejo v procesu pogajanj in dosegajo tiste cilje, katere so si zastavili, ampak da ohranijo svojo evropsko ambicijo.

V mnogih državah kandidatkah je jasen trend nazadovanja podpore članstvu v Evropski uniji in mislim, da določen del te odgovornosti za to nazadovanje imamo tudi na naši strani. Zato sprašujem, ali bo Komisija spremenila svoj pristop, ali bo bolj aktivno pristopila h kandidatkam, da bi te lažje napredovale na svoji evropski poti. Hvala lepa.

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – I think that last year has been quite a remarkable year when it comes to enlargement. We have welcomed three new candidate countries, one potential candidate country, and we have been able to have the first IGCs with Albania and North Macedonia.

I think that there’s a very clear engagement now also at the leaders level. We have seen the Tirana Summit, which was a summit we have been waiting for, where very clear commitments have been made also at the level of the European Council towards the Western Balkans to accelerate the accession process. And in that, of course, we can talk about the institutional process, the accession negotiations as such, but I do not think that it is only the institutional processes that we should be looking at.

We should also be looking at the real integration: how fast the economies and the societies of these countries can be part of our markets, our societies, and there, there is much work to be done. This has been also a request from our Western Balkan partners.

On how to maintain their commitment and how to maintain their interest in joining the European Union, of course, it is very difficult to convince them to join if there is no progress on our side. This is why the Commission has been pushing for decisions to be made by the Council. Every decision which brings us further and closer to enlargement is a very precious one. And this is why we have been pushing the agenda very hard. And this is why what you see also at leaders level is based on the work that we have put on the table.

I think that it is going to be very important also from this House to bring further positive messages that we want to welcome them here and there is a place for them here. Of course, it comes with a lot of criteria that needs meeting and, of course, there cannot be shortcuts on any of the criteria. So there is, we already see, quite a competition, and not only in the Western Balkans but now in other regions very close to Europe, for becoming an EU Member State. So my hope is that this year will further accelerate the enlargement process

  Александър Александров Йорданов (PPE). – Г-н Председател, г-н Комисар, В Северна Македония от език на омразата се премина вече към нова фаза, а именно към действия, породени от омраза. И ви припомням основното при копенхагенските критерии: спазването на правата на човека. Абсолютно сте наясно, че от десетилетия правата на българите в Северна Македония се нарушават. Фрапантно се нарушават, убийствено се нарушават. Последните инциденти са ви известни: опит за убийство, спиране на свободното преминаване на българите през границата и други. Конкретният ми въпрос е: Ще предприемете ли действия относно последния инцидент на границата? И второ, ще промени ли Северна Македония и кога своята конституция, така че да даде в нея права на българите?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – I think what we have seen around 4 February, which happens to be the birthday of the common leader, the two countries, Gotse Delchev, were not encouraging. I was hoping for something much more, something the leaders of the two countries have agreed, which is a common celebration of that day. And this is why I reached out over the phone to both of them. But unfortunately, this year I was not successful. But I do hope that next year there will be a common celebration. We have seen a government delegation from Sofia arriving in Skopje for the common celebration. Maybe we can do next year without these events that took place in the in the border.

But I must also confess that it is no easy task for the authorities in Skopje to maintain calm and peace if there are provocations on their borders. So this is why I think we, together as European Union, also this House, we should bring the message that history is common and they should celebrate the history as common as it was agreed between the two. And we need to do everything to bring down these tensions. And this is why it was so important that we have a very clear frame and set of criteria also embedded in the accession process that needs delivering. And this is why I think that with this set of tools that we have at hand, we should be able to avoid any escalation or any worsening of these tensions between the two countries.

  Александър Александров Йорданов (PPE). – Г-н Комисар, доволен съм от Вашия отговор, но в тази връзка последното, което казахте за общата история, ме кара да Ви задам за пореден път въпроса: Имате ли информация, Вие конкретно, от правителството на Северна Македония дали е започнал процес на промяна на съдържанието на учебниците в образователната система? И в тях за българите вече да не се учи като за врагове, фашисти, варвари, татари и прочие лъжи, които се насаждат, повтарям, от десетилетия от властите, медиите и заинтересовани кръгове в тази страна. Променят ли македонците своите учебници по история, съответно с научната, общоприетата научна истина от цяла Европа?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – I think it is clear what two countries have agreed. So we hope that everything that has been agreed will be delivered. This issue that you have mentioned is also part of the agreement.

  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Mr Commissioner, I reflect on two subjects from your portfolio: Montenegro and the rule of law.

As the former leader in accession progress, Montenegro, alongside Serbia, is the only country that did not progress on the EU accession path in the last year. We have witnessed almost two years of political instability and we still do not have a new government in place. Nor is there any decision on the extraordinary elections.

What does the Commission plan to do to get the country back on track with progress on EU-related reforms? Another source of political tensions there is the ‘Open Balkan’ initiative. What is the view of the Commission regarding the initiative?

Finally, the rule of law should be a crucial precondition for progress in accession, and the main feature of the new methodology. Is this provision formally confirmed in practice? Is the rule of law really a key provision that sets the tone for overall progress of the accession countries?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. –Yes, the statement that you made in your question in the first part, I couldn’t agree more. Unfortunately, Montenegro has been missing over three years now, without much progress in the accession negotiations. Montenegro is the one which had most chapters opened in the institutional part, and they have been a front runner in the accession negotiations. Unfortunately, due to election results, internal divisions, political divisions, the country has not been able to get a clear government majority and the country has not been able to deliver on what is required as the next stage of moving forward in the accession negotiations. Now we see that amendments are put forward in the Parliament, which are going against the Venice Commission recommendations, and it seems that we are not getting any closer to delivering on the key priorities.

Because it is very clear that the next step for Montenegro, and this answers also the second part of your question, to be able to move forward, the country will need to deliver on the so-called interim benchmarks related to the rule of law area, basically cluster number one. Montenegro has opted into this new methodology, so therefore any progress is conditional on delivering these priorities.

I do hope that, the latest news I got while coming here, was that it seems that there is political agreement now in the parliament for the nomination of the four new members of the constitutional court. And I do hope that this will also create the political possibility to convene the elections as early as this spring. And this election should bring a strong government with a strong majority in the parliament who can finally pick up the work and work for the country to make progress. But the country clearly needs elections and we need everybody in the country to work for that and stabilise also the political situation in the country.

  Tonino Picula (S&D). – I would like to remind the Commissioner that I also asked about the ‘Open Balkan’ initiative, about your stance on it – what’s your take on the ‘Open Balkan’ initiative?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – The Open Balkan initiative is an initiative which is coming from the region, and this is why it is so precious. It is coming from the region and it is supposed to create European conditions within the region, among the region. This is why it was so important to go ahead with it. Our original plan was the Common Regional Market, and this is what we have proposed together with the Economic and Investment Plan.

Well, unfortunately, we ran into difficulties. And with these difficulties, we had to let those who would like to go ahead and implement the four freedoms in the Western Balkans amongst themselves and support them – at least those who are willing – to go ahead and implement it. And we see already results coming in. And we have also seen that the Open Balkan had a positive impact on the Common Regional Market, because those who have been having second thoughts, let me put it this way, have come back to the table when it comes to the Common Regional Market. And now we have progress in the Common Regional Market with three agreements, very important agreements, being implemented. And this should bring European standards and values even before accession, implemented among the members of the Western Balkans.

So I think that the Open Balkans has a positive role to play and a positive contribution, but it has to be based on our rules, on our standards that would have to be implemented anyhow, if the region wants to become a member of this family.

  Tineke Strik (Verts/ALE). – The Russian aggression has woken us up. A credible enlargement policy is not only key for our neighbouring citizens, but also for protecting our security and European values.

But as my colleagues already said, granting the candidate status is only one step. It needs to be followed by a more active engagement – increased economic cooperation and support to countries with the necessary reforms. But support must go hand in hand with strict conditions on the rule of law, democracy, fundamental rights and anti-corruption measures.

And for Bosnia, this requires that we strongly denounce the ethno-nationalistic rhetoric in support of Putin and secessionist plans.

Are you ready to be very clear towards Mr Dodik and to keep the EU funding frozen? And in which way do you pressure the new government to swiftly implement the key priorities for accession?

A credible enlargement process also requires that EU Member States do not abuse their vetoes, also not in interim decisions during the enlargement process. And Bulgaria should get this message from the Council and Commission for the further process. Are you ready to convey this message? You just said I was very clear to the Council that they should not and that they should finally take positive decisions. But it also regards, of course, Bulgaria who put high demands and used the veto towards North Macedonia. Are you ready to convey this message? And how will you prevent further hurdles and requirements that are not part of the accession process?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Well, I think I can only confirm what you have stated in your question. Yes, of course. Once candidate status is provided, it comes with a higher level of responsibility on the side of the candidate country. But it also comes with a higher level of responsibility from us, meaning that if there is progress on their side, there has to be progress on our side. Now, when it comes to Bosnia-Herzegovina, I think that the positive impact is already there. We have never seen that governments are formed in such a fast and based on wide political agreement, and we have not seen either that agreements also in the Federation are in the making. We could be seeing a government in the Federation after five long years coming forward quite fast.

So I think that the offer that we have put on the table for Bosnia Herzegovina has been taken very seriously by the entire country, and that includes the Republika Srpska as well, because they have been also part of this formation of the government. Now, of course, it doesn't mean that from here on conditions are going to be lighter, no, on the contrary. Now that they are candidate status, they have candidate status. The criteria for making the next step is even clearer than ever. We have eight priorities plus one that needs delivering, and we have the 14 key priorities. Which have to be met to move to the next stage, which is the starting of the accession negotiations.

I think that it is clear in Bosnia and Herzegovina last time I went there before the Council took the decision, it is very clear that the country has lost five years, at least five years, and it has no more five years to lose. The youth is leaving the country. The economic basis of the country is weak and it has not been improved. And this is why Bosnia-Herzegovina needs Europe. And this is why I was very pleased to see the coalition agreement starts with the European perspective. But it also means that if they want Europe, they have to come on our side and they have to choose our values and they have to choose our rules. And this is a constant message that I am always bringing to Bosnia-Herzegovina. And this is a message which is for everybody in the country. Now, when it comes to messages towards Bulgaria – I think I have quite a number of members of this House who are coming from Bulgaria – so I'm speaking under their control, but they may have seen me more in their press visiting, Bulgaria than any commissioner ever before. And that was because I have tried to convince them to come around and to agree. But these decisions are hard to make. And as you have heard from the comments, they are still very sensitive. So I think we need to work to bring the agreement into implementation that we have managed to strike. Because that is the credibility of Europe, not only towards the candidate country in question in North Macedonia, but also in relation to the Member State, which is a member of this organisation.

  Tineke Strik (Verts/ALE). – It’s good to hear that you keep the pressure on Bulgaria. I think it’s important to protect North Macedonia. Of course, what has been agreed should be implemented, but that they can be safeguarded, that the EU responds in a credible and consistent way afterwards.

Now, one question you did not answer yet, and that’s about what’s happening in the Republika Srpska – Mr Dodik. You talk about the hopeful new government, but what is happening there is still a huge threat of secession, of foreign influence from Russia, the clear and blatant support and honouring of Mr Putin. That should be very clearly denounced because it’s really a threat for the ethnic division, but also, of course, for the stability and getting closer to the EU. So what do you do against Mr Dodik and these threats? And are you ready to indeed keep the money suspended to 600 billion that you suspended because of the secessionist plans?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Well, I can only quote our statement that we have made on that day. Siding with Putin in these circumstances isolates the Republika Srpska and its leadership internationally. There is no place in the EU for honouring and rewarding politicians who order the destruction of a neighbouring country and the killing of its people. This must be very clear to everyone. That decision of the Republika Srpska leadership is regrettable and wrong. This is the statement that we have made and it is still valid today.

Now, when it comes to the funding, the funding has been suspended for another reason. The funding has been suspended because of the secessionist movements from the Republika or the representatives of the Republika Srpska, leaving the common institutions of Bosnia Herzegovina. Our condition for putting back any financial arrangements for Bosnia Herzegovina was that the representatives of the Republika Srpska should return to the institutions so that we have functioning institutions and this is the criteria still in force.

  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Thank you very much. Dear Commissioner, thank you once again for your really good and compassionate behaviour when we were negotiating IPA III.

In my last legislature, I was really worried why all this money that was used for migration waves was taken away from Bosnia and Herzegovina, because Bosnia and Herzegovina, at that time, I got the answer, didn’t have the absorption capacity to use the money. Bosnia and Herzegovina got candidate status. Thank you for that. But I recently had a meeting with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina; he’s a good guy, who will side with European affairs, with European policies, and not with Iran, like the last minister. So I want you to support the new government. I want you to help Bosnia and Herzegovina get this absorption capacity and not lag behind all the other countries in the Western Balkans. Because now we have Ukraine, we have Georgia, we have Moldova, but we do not have a bigger IPA. So until that time, Bosnia and Herzegovina will be like an orphan left alone and be a political tool in this Parliament for the people who do not have a clue what people need in Bosnia and Herzegovina. They need the young people to use this money and to get the country away from the interference of third countries and into the European Union.

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Well, yes, candidate status is an offer and it’s an offer not for the administration or the establishment of the country. We have made it very clear. This is an offer for the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

I have also met the new Foreign Minister. I must admit that I appreciated very much the new approach that he presented, which is that Europe is priority number one for this government. And for that reason, I have also offered our support to accelerate the reforms in Bosnia Herzegovina. And it’s not an empty promise; it is a promise also to help them with technical expertise, by sending them people with knowledge who can advise them, and also to help them to get better access to funding.

But it is not enough to have goodwill. We also need the government of Bosnia Herzegovina to deliver on key issues, key issues that would help us also to de-block funding. And this is why we are now at a very important juncture, and this is why we need the whole institutions of the country to work as one. This is why now is the moment for this new administration to use this opportunity and come forward with deliveries.

  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Yes, could I just ask Mr Commissioner, are you aware of the knowledge of the constitutional framework of the people who are representing citizens here in this building? And that without cutting the funds – if we cut funds for one part of the country, Bosnia Herzegovina will not receive anything.

So can you just let us know is there any pedagogy that the Commission will try to use in the future?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – You are putting your finger on the most difficult topic, which is that, yes, one looks at what is happening on one side of the country, but it means that it will have an impact on the other part. If you look at the actual projects that we are talking about, the highways and the railways that have been constructed in Herzegovina will not connect that part of the country with Europe without the other part being built.

So this is the big dilemma but, as I said, we have a new government in place and we need this new government to change the course of politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

And I’m hopeful – judging from my first meetings with them – that they can do it and I’m hopeful that they also have the political will and backing of all three constitutive people in the country.

  Alessandra Moretti (S&D). – Grazie Presidente. Gentilissimo Commissario, sono felice di vederla qui oggi. Sono convinta che questi momenti di scambio siano fondamentali per proseguire il percorso che porta la nostra Unione e i paesi balcanici sugli stessi binari.

Si è parlato molto della questione dell'allineamento della Serbia alla politica estera e di sicurezza europea, in particolare per quanto riguarda le sanzioni applicate alla Russia. Questo è senz'altro un tema di primaria importanza, ma ci sono altre questioni che riguardano lo Stato di diritto che meritano di essere approfondite.

Recentemente la Serbia ha adottato riforme costituzionali nel campo della giustizia. Le chiedo, Commissario, come giudica queste riforme. Sono passi in avanti sufficienti per il paese? E poi, riguardo la libertà di stampa e la scarsissima rappresentazione delle opposizioni nei media serbi, come può l'Unione europea agevolare una narrativa equilibrata, libera dalla disinformazione e dalla propaganda russa, spesso proprio antieuropea?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – On the judicial reforms taking place in Serbia, this has been an outstanding reform for quite a while, and it took quite heavy political investment to get it rolling, but we have it now. Just to illustrate the magnitude of this reform, it took a national referendum to get it approved. And now it is there. It is not only there, but it was only very recently, I think, a couple of days ago that the parliament has passed now to the next stage, which is adopting the laws, implementing this reform, and it is going to be still a long way. And if Serbia delivers on all the elements of it, it should be sufficient when it comes to the judiciary.

In relation to the media freedom and the media balance, yes, Serbia has still a long list to do and there for that reason we have managed to agree with them on a roadmap for all the reforms. And this roadmap is, I think, directly implemented and supervised by the Prime Minister herself. And of course it is very clear also in Belgrade that this is part and parcel of the fundamentals cluster. So any progress in that cluster will be measured also in relation to the delivery on the media freedom.

On media balance, well, we are also helping local independent media. We are providing funding for that. But I think that it should be this roadmap that should bring about the media balance on the Serbian media landscape.

  Jean-Lin Lacapelle (ID). – Monsieur le Commissaire, les résolutions et déclarations de l’Union ne cessent d’appeler de leurs vœux l’adhésion de pays des Balkans à l’Union européenne, y compris le territoire du Kosovo. Dans la continuité de ce souhait, le Conseil européen a accordé à la Bosnie-Herzégovine, le 15 décembre 2022, le statut officiel de pays candidat à l’adhésion.

Cela pose un double problème. D’une part, concernant la Bosnie-Herzégovine, l’une de ses deux composantes, la République serbe de Bosnie – dont on parle très peu – témoigne toujours de son hostilité catégorique au principe de l’adhésion. Quelle place la République serbe de Bosnie occupe-t-elle dans les discussions entre la Bosnie et l’Union européenne comme dans le processus d’adhésion? Entendez-vous prendre l’avis de ses dirigeants?

D’autre part, concernant le Kosovo, cinq États membres de l’Union européenne lui refusent une reconnaissance officielle. Êtes-vous d’accord que cela s’oppose absolument à toute adhésion de ce territoire à l’Union européenne? Quel est le statut juridique du Kosovo aux yeux de l’Union européenne? Sur quel fondement juridique le lui attribuez—vous?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Well, I think that we all know what is the legal opinion about the status of Kosovo. Five of our Member States have not recognised Kosovo as a country. And this, of course, has an impact on our approach. Kosovo, nevertheless, has applied for membership – last year – and this is on the table of the Council. The Swedish presidency, although not here and not present at the debate, is considering the options and the possible decisions it might take. On our side, we are ready to do the work that is normally done in these cases, which is delivering an opinion, but it is not the Commission deciding on this, it is going to be for the Council to decide on Bosnia Herzegovina. I think the country has applied for EU membership. So for me it is very clear that that implies the entire country. So there are not no bits and pieces of the country who would want to become an EU Member State and parts which do not. And as I just quoted, the government program of the newest government, in which also representatives of the Republika Srpska are part of the government, it is clear that their first priority is EU accession, and this is why I think that we cannot call into question the European aspirations of Bosnia Herzegovina.

  Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Dzisiaj cywilizowany świat obchodzi święto Świętego Walentego, ale zapominamy, że dla chrześcijańskiej Europy 14 lutego to przede wszystkim święto Cyryla i Metodego. Tych, którzy ponieśli chrześcijaństwo właśnie na Bałkany Zachodnie, ponieśli chrześcijaństwo do Słowian. To ci święci po raz pierwszy przetłumaczyli Pismo Święte na język starocerkiewnosłowiański, ustanowili cyrylicę.

Dlaczego o tym wspominam? Bo dzisiaj współczesna Europa zastanawia się, czy dołączyć do Wspólnoty Europejskiej państwa Bałkanów Zachodnich. A jaka jest alternatywa? Jeżeli tych państw nie dołączymy, to będzie tak jak w dziewiątym wieku, wtedy, kiedy Cyryl i Metody podążali właśnie w kierunku Słowian, czyli oddamy Bałkany Zachodnie wpływom Rosji, wpływom Putina, ale również islamskich wahabitów. Dlaczego jest to tak ważne? Bo dzisiaj pojawia się pytanie, czy wniosek o szybką akcesję do Unii Europejskiej Ukrainy, Mołdawii, Gruzji nie spowolni akcesu do Unii Europejskiej państw Bałkanów Zachodnich. Dlatego chciałbym zapytać, czy Komisja dostrzega ten problem?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – It might require a bit more time to elaborate on all the implications. But I can for sure agree with you in the implied statement you made. Yes, if we cannot include the Western Balkans in the European Union, then the European Union is going to be challenged. The European Union is going to be geopolitically challenged. This region is surrounded by EU Member States and this region has always been – you have also quoted Cyril and Methodius, but we can go even further back in history – has always been part and parcel of European history, European culture, European society and the European economy. And we have to build it back, and we have to stabilise and help to stabilise the Western Balkans itself. They long for this as well. Of course, it takes two to tango, so they also have to deliver their part. But, as we discussed today, I think we now have a golden opportunity to accelerate the accession process for the Western Balkans, which will also help Europe to create stability and security around itself long term.

  Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR). – Bardzo dziękuję Panie Komisarzu za tę odpowiedź, ale mimo wszystko chciałbym zwrócić uwagę na pewną dysproporcję. Otóż pełna zgoda, że Europa to dwa płuca, to płuco wschodnie i płuco zachodnie. Ale czy Komisja nie dostrzega przypadkiem, że pod pretekstem kryteriów, które stawiamy dzisiaj państwom z regionu Bałkanów Zachodnich, tak naprawdę niektóre państwa starej Unii Europejskiej, dbając o swoje partykularne, narodowe interesy, mnożą tego różnego rodzaju wymogi po to tylko, aby te dwa płuca jednak nie oddychały równomiernie, to znaczy kosztem płuca wschodniego, rozszerzamy zdolności płuca zachodniego.

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – This was a dilemma I have inherited. You are right about this. This is a dilemma that this Commission has inherited. And, if I want to paraphrase it, I wouldn't say that some of our Member States wanted to prevent accession through the inflation of criteria.

I think that when we received the mandate, also in this House, it was very clear that the credibility of the whole enlargement process needs strengthening – the credibility and the predictability.

The credibility means for our Member States that they also feel involved. They also feel in charge. And this is not just a mechanical, administrative exercise at the end of which they will have just the automatic ‘yes’ to say.

On the contrary, they also want to be part of this process. This is why it was very important to put this new balance on the table, which means credibility for our Member States and predictability for our candidate countries, meaning that one has to see the reforms are delivered and the other side has to see that if reforms are delivered, then decisions are made here in Europe.

In that, of course, it was also very important that these decisions are coming faster and coming to a Commission which is pro-enlargement, inherited from another Commission, which was not.

So, this is why it takes a bit of time. But now, as I said, last year was a very important development and this year could be even a bigger one.

  Valter Flego (Renew). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, hvala vam na riječi baš danas kada slavimo sv. Valentina, Valentinovo, kada slavimo ljubav i 33. rođendan mog IDS-a. Poštovani povjereniče, prošlo je već skoro deset godina otkad je Hrvatska kao posljednja zemlja ušla u Europsku uniju. I kada danas pogledamo tu Europsku uniju, ona zbilja izgleda kao jedna velika američka krafna s velikom rupom u sredini.

U tih deset godina svašta se desilo, naravno. Bilo je tu različitih izbora, došle su različite proeuropske vlade, one druge u Europskoj uniji. Isto tako, svašta se desilo - od nove metodologije do, ja bih rekao, jednog usporavanja cijelog tog procesa.

Ali u životu treba biti iskren i pošten pa vas molim iskreno i pošteno da pogledate tih deset godina. Da li ste vi zadovoljni kao povjerenik za proširenje s učinjenim u deset godina? Jer moj je fealing, moj je dojam da od jedne primarno geostrateške politike, jedne od ključnih politika Europske unije - politike proširenja, dolazimo na sekundarno važnu ili tercijarnu, što nikako nije dobro, politiku proširenja. Koje je vaše mišljenje? Molim vas o tome.

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – You asked me about the last ten years, right? On the last ten years, no, I’m not happy. And this is what this Commission wants to change, this is what this Commission has been investing, investing, investing in from day number one.

If I look at the agenda of the European Council as of 2019, you see that this topic is back on the agenda of the leaders. It means to me that this is a priority. This is a priority again. And interestingly enough, the Russian aggression against Ukraine only increased the importance of the enlargement towards the Western Balkans.

If you look at the summits, the latest one just a couple of days ago, it is there. If you look at December’s summit, it’s there. So this is now a priority for the European Union. But it’s not enough to say it. It means that we have to translate this into action. And this is why it is very important that the European Union not only focuses on taking all the institutional decisions that it can take because the criteria are met, so to bring further the accession process, but also that we accelerate the real integration of the region into the European Union.

This is why at the beginning of the mandate, we have put a substantial economic and investment plan on the table to not only accelerate this, but also to help the Balkans transform itself much faster, pretty much to the European standards.

This is why it was also very important in the economic and investment plan that we are addressing the key challenges and the key bottlenecks of the region. One of the biggest vulnerabilities of the region is, of course, energy and this is why in the economic investment plan, for us, it was a key priority to find alternative routes, alternative suppliers, and help them to get it in the Western Balkans. This is why from day number one, we’re working very, very hard so that at the end of the mandate of this Commission, you will see that the Western Balkans is developing much faster than ever before.

  Valter Flego (Renew). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, vrlo kratko. Dakle, drago mi je da sam čuo, ovoga, vaše planove, ambiciozne planove za zapadni Balkan.

Ali, htio bih čuti konkretno, budući da je i vama i nama ostalo oko godinu i pol mandata, s čime biste bili konkretno zadovoljni da u tih godinu i pol dana učinite odnosno s čime da se možete nakon godine i po dana od današnjeg dana pohvaliti da je konkretno učinjeno vezano za napredak tih država prema Europskoj uniji?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Well, my life is much grimmer than being able to think about something like this. But, of course, the best would be to deliver on everything we have designed when it comes to the economic and investment plan for the Balkans, meaning that we should have the gas interconnectors built and functioning, bringing Azeri gas to the region, meaning that we can build railways and highways, and outcompeting our competitors in the Western Balkans – we’re getting there, very close. And to see that the region is rediscovered also by investors.

But, of course, this is one element. The other element is that we should see at least one country at the end of the mandate that is ready to join. It might look like a tall order at this point but, still, I think now we really need to put all efforts into that so that we have at least one country who has a clear opportunity to join.

  Franc Bogovič (PPE). – Spoštovani komisar, ob širitvenem procesu zelo veliko govorimo o teh političnih problemih, kot so spori med državami, po drugi strani tudi spoštovanje vladavine prava.

Sam osebno pa ocenjujem, da je na Zahodnem Balkanu največji problem vedno večji zaostanek v različnih politikah, tudi v infrastrukturi, velik zaostanek v okoljski infrastrukturi, širokopasovni infrastrukturi.

Po drugi strani imamo tudi probleme z energetiko. Zelo veliko premoga, ki se uporablja za proizvodnjo elektrike, gretje in temu primerno tudi onesnažuje zrak. [...] In tretji velik problem je slaba perspektiva mladih in odhod mladih iz tega dela širom po svetu.

Ali mislite, da bi bilo povečanje teh vlaganj v to območje po eni strani tudi približevanje tega dela Evrope evropskim standardom, ki jih bodo tako ali tako morali spoštovati, ko bodo člani Evropske unije, po drugi strani pa tudi dvig podpore vstopu teh držav v Evropsko unijo.

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Well, I couldn't agree more, and what you're looking for is called the Economic and Investment plan. These are the clear bottlenecks that we have analysed and discovered together with the region. So when we have designed the economic and investment plan, yes, we have seen that there's a tremendous problem of connectivity. Be it transport or trade routes, be it energy. There's clearly a lack of energy sources. There's clearly a lack of clean energy sources. The single biggest polluter region, almost globally, is the Western Balkans. If you look at the coal use and the public health implications related to that, the picture is horrendous. This is why phasing out coal, for example, has been a very important priority of the economic and investment plan. Only through replacing coal with gas we would reduce by 65 % the emissions of the region. It's a tremendous decrease, not to mention the public health benefits of this. And yes, I agree with you, we have to help them to create an investor's climate that will attract foreign direct investment. And it's not only infrastructure but also the rule of law and the predictability of the legal system, the judicial system that should provide an opportunity for investors to come.

We see now that European investors are looking for new places. So this is the opportunity also for the Western Balkans. But for that, as you have also said, they need their youth to work for their economy. This is why we have also introduced the youth guarantee scheme for the Western Balkans, which is exactly the same way as it is for our European Member States. So we are doing a lot and I do hope that, at the end of the mandate, the Balkans is going to be a much more attractive region. But there are things that need more time than just one mandate. For example, the brain drain, getting back the youth. Judging from experience from Central and Eastern Europe, it takes at least ten years to start to really attract the youth. But we have to put the basics there, meaning that there are jobs. There are economic perspectives, not only short term but long term for the youth and for the whole population of the Western Balkans.

  Franc Bogovič (PPE). – Ali lahko približno rečemo, da bo potem preko tega invest programa toliko vlaganj, kot smo jih bile deležne države, ki smo se pridružile Evropski uniji v zadnjih ... po letu 2004? To je tam med pet in osem tisoč evrov po glavi.

In ali bo ta denar tudi deljen na neki način bolj po principih kohezijske politike, kjer je veliko ljudi vključenih v te projekte, ne zgolj veliki nacionalni projekti, ki so vezani na vlade in na ministrstva.

Mislim, da je decentralizacija teh držav in pa to, da s projekti pridemo do konkretnih ljudi na terenu, pomembna zato, da bodo ljudje [...] izrazili večjo pripravljenost in zanesenost k vstopu v Evropsko unijo.

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Well, I’m not sure about this EUR 5 000 per capita – that’s a very high number. I don’t think it was EUR 5 000 per capita. But what you could see coming out of this, together with the common regional market is this: the Economic and Investment Plan is capable of delivering one third of the GDP of the entire region, EUR 30 billion. If you multiply also the effect it has on private investors, I think it would be a much higher number. But the EUR 30 billion investment is achievable.

According to the figures from the World Bank, if the Common Regional Market Project goes ahead, meaning that the countries in the Western Balkans introduce the exact same treatment as we have amongst our Member States in the Single Market and the ‘four freedoms’, they could also raise their GDPs by another third. So, the European contribution could be an increase of the GDP of the entire region by two thirds.

We are here to help and if we have some additional investments coming in from European private investors, this could really make a big difference.

  Andor Deli (NI). – Well, at this moment, I think that the biggest enemy of enlargement is the lack of trust of certain Member States. But also, unfortunately, this House is lately manifesting it, too, in its recent country reports in the enlargement strategy, but also in the reports on foreign and security policy.

If you read these texts of the EP, it is clear that there is no confidence in the official assessment reports, there is criticism against the Commissioner and there is a big deficit of trust concerning the candidate countries, especially those which have conservative governments. And this lack of trust is sensed by the citizens of the candidate countries too.

This is not the way to do enlargement policy, especially in times of war and geopolitical battles. These countries need support and need positive messages.

In order to rebuild confidence and speed up the process, does the Commission think that setting an accession date for the Western Balkans would be helpful in this situation?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Setting accession dates is an evergreen topic. I think it’s not about dates. It’s about being able to act fast if there is fast delivery. This is what we need to make sure that Europe is capable of delivering. So if we have a Western Balkan partner or several Western Balkan partners who are able to move ahead faster, then we should also be able to move ahead faster. Because, of course, setting accession dates could be a very good tool to create an incentive. But if there is no delivery, the negative impact of a missed accession date is going to be even more terrible.

So what is necessary here is to work and to deliver on all the criteria. And, on our side, is to work and deliver all the decisions and to base our work on facts and figures that we see on the ground and try to keep up the pace, or even accelerate the pace, of enlargement.

  Delara Burkhardt (S&D). – Herr Präsident! Herr Kommissar, Sie haben vorhin auf die Frage einer Kollegin gesagt, dass Bosnien und Herzegowina Europa braucht, und dem stimme ich auch sehr zu. Bosnien und Herzegowina braucht aber auch die EU‑Kommission als Hüterin der Verträge, die sie auf dem Weg unterstützt, aber auch klar anspricht, wenn das Land vom Weg abkommt.

Ich möchte Sie deswegen zur Wahlrechtsreform des Hohen Repräsentanten Christian Schmidt befragen. Das Vorgehen, am Wahltag die Spielregeln des Wählens zu ändern, hat in der bosnischen Gesellschaft zu großer Sorge und aber auch zu großen Vertrauensverlusten in die internationale Gemeinschaft, insbesondere in die Institution des Hohen Repräsentanten geführt. Und da die EU ja zu 54 % auch den Hohen Repräsentanten finanziert, wirft das die Frage auf, wie wir uns dazu verhalten.

Ich würde gerne von Ihnen wissen: Wie bewerten Sie die Wahlrechtsänderung gerade mit Blick auf die Notwendigkeit, Diskriminierung von Minderheiten im Wahlrecht zu beseitigen und Bosnien und Herzegowina den Weg in die EU zu eröffnen?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Well, yes, there have been last minute changes in the electorate law, and that is never a good idea. But we have seen quite difficult discussions on the electoral reform preceding the election. And it is for that reason that we consider this to be not only an issue, but the major reform element that needs delivery before we can move on in the accession negotiations. If you look at our opinion, it is clear that an electoral reform will have to take place. It is part of the criteria that we have put forward and it is endorsed also by the Council. So, it is part and parcel of the criteria set out for the candidate status.

When it comes to the financing of the candidates, I’m not sure I understand your question. I’m happy to look into it. If there were any cases or other news, we are ready to look into it. But I think a major overhaul of the electoral law is on the cards anyhow. And I hear also from the political actors in the country that this is considered as part and parcel of the criteria.

  Delara Burkhardt (S&D). – Something has been lost in translation, so I will try to do it in English now because there is the question I was asking about the reform proposed by the High Representative Christian Schmidt on 2 October, which is a white flag, which is also now in front of the constitutional court. And I think it’s a pity and it’s a shame that the High Representative is proposing an electoral reform that needs to be put in front of the court in the first place. So this is a problematic thing. And I was asking you how you react as the guardian of the Treaties.

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – I’m not the guardian of the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Treaties don’t regulate election laws, not even in our Member States. But what we have made very clear is that, of course, the general principles related to electoral law and related to the Venice Commission opinions and also the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina have to be respected.

But, politically speaking, one also has to acknowledge that that last—minute amendment carried out by the High Representative allowed for a result and also for an election that we could consider a success. So it did have a contribution in that regard. But, as I said, the solution is an electoral reform done in the parliament by the institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

  Thomas Waitz (Verts/ALE). – Two questions. One, I absolutely share your assessment that after months of a caretaking government in Montenegro, elections are long overdue. You know that there were several tries to get a majority in the parliament for the Constitutional Court members.

My question is, are you also in contact with the current opposition, that at least rhetorically, also supports the path towards accession to gear up their attention and readiness to support the compromise? I also heard the news that they are coming close to it, but it has not yet been decided in parliament. I think we need to back them and put a little bit of pressure there.

And second question, towards North Macedonia. We have a government there that is very pro-European, but only rhetoric will not save the government through the next elections. The government is perceived in the country to not really deliver to citizens. Do you have plans of support – how we can make it more visible that European funds are actually delivering to citizens to back the pro-European notion that we still hope has a majority in North Macedonia?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – First of all, these days it’s difficult to know who is in opposition or in government in Montenegro. But yes, I am reaching out to everybody and trying to convince everybody to have elections.

But I think by now the message is there, in Podgorica, and the message is very clear: that the country is losing very precious time. I have the latest news, as I told you, getting here was that they are supposed to have a vote on 27 February. So basically, that is next week. And I’m very hopeful that this time, this will unblock also the elections, because the country badly needs a strong government and the country badly needs now work to go ahead swiftly.

In North Macedonia, we have just put on the table a proposal, for this House and also for the Council, for a new macro financial assistance of EUR 100 million, because, yes, North Macedonia is suffering very heavily the consequences of Russia’s war against Ukraine. They have been aligning themselves fully with the sanctions and this has a major economic impact in the country and we try to help them. This is why we have also come forward with the economic rescue package for the entire Western Balkans to help to mitigate the impact of this war. And that is just about to be released also.

Of course, in North Macedonia, it is also the government’s job to deliver on the EU reforms and to not only deliver on the EU reforms but also to deliver on the funds and implement the funds. And there, yes, we see some slowing down, but I do hope that we can accelerate there as well this year.

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

  Ilhan Kyuchyuk (Renew). – Dear Commissioner, I want to thank you once again for putting in place an economic and investment plan; I think it is the right medicine for political, but also for other, reasons in the Western Balkans.

You took the approach for being more optimistic about the future of the region, and rightly so, because you represent the European Commission, which is called geopolitical, the European Commission – I reiterated several times that we have to have a political European Commission before becoming a geopolitical European Commission. And if I look at the Western Balkans, it’s a very much inter-governmental European Union, it very much represents of the European Union of today.

We have special representatives – Germany, Slovenia, Austria and many more. How is this helping you, Commissioner, to do your job in a proper European way? We have several initiatives – Berlin Process, other initiatives, the Americans came with an initiative. How you are going to combine efforts in order to bring the European Union as strong as possible if the citizens of the Western Balkans are looking at us from an angle of criticism? They should see a European Union united.

So, two questions on special representatives and initiatives coming from different sides of Europe, but also from across the Atlantic.

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Well, I think that there’s a very big potential in complementarity and this is what we have tried to build during this mandate, meaning to reach out to our Member States who are active on the Western Balkans and try to complement the work that we’re doing.

I’ll give you one example: the common regional market, which is complementary to the Berlin process. I would say this is the substance of the Berlin process by now – to bring the four freedoms much faster to the Western Balkans and to help them to overcome also the common history, because this is also a way to do away with all these bad memories in the Western Balkans.

So I think that there’s ample opportunity for complementarity but it means also that we need to work closer. On our side, the Commission has always been ready, and we have always been reaching out to the Member States, and we will continue to do so. And, to be frank with you, I think it is also appreciated by the Member States. It may not have been the case before but now we see a much higher level of impact.

You have asked me about special representatives in the plural. We have one special representative in Bosnia-Herzegovina, which is part and parcel of the Dayton Agreement and, of course, as you know, on our side, our plan would be that it should be the European Union taking over all these responsibilities. And we do hope that Bosnia-Herzegovina advances so much in its constitutional reforms and in its reforms for democracy, the rule of law, that there won’t be a need for a special representative because the country and its institutions should be strong enough to actually exercise these functions.

But until we get there, of course, we are working together with the special representative, and we are in very close contact and dialogue with him, on how to bring forward also the European agenda together for Bosnia and Herzegovina. We have, of course, our own special representatives also in the bag with the Pristina dialogue and there again, I think the work of the Commission is to help and also to complement the work. So we try to have the additional elements, arguments, but also additional tools offered to the High Representative to actually have a breakthrough, I do hope this year in the bag with the Pristina dialogue.

  Tomislav Sokol (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, prostor jugoistočne Europe pod sve većim je obavještajnim, medijskim i gospodarskim utjecajem stranih autoritarnih režima, što može destabilizirati i samu Europsku uniju. Zbog toga je snažna prisutnost EU-a kroz politiku proširenja ključna za stabilnost jugoistoka Europe.

Međutim, poseban problem za stabilnost tog prostora predstavlja politika Srbije koja uporno pokušava sjediti na dvije stolice održavajući vojno-gospodarsku suradnju s Rusijom te odbijajući uvesti sankcije Moskvi. Srpska hegemonistička politika, nažalost, također doprinosi destabilizaciji susjednih država.

To se najjasnije vidi u Crnoj Gori gdje je nedavno, protivno preporukama Venecijanske komisije, od strane prosrpske većine u Skupštini izmijenjen Zakon o predsjedniku, čime je ova zemlja zapala u ustavnu krizu bez presedana.

Imajući to na umu, a u kontekstu politike proširenja, što Europska unija namjerava učiniti da bi spriječila uplitanje Srbije u unutarnje stvari Crne Gore, a naročito širenje hegemonističkog koncepta „srpskog sveta” u toj državi?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – I think it is very clear that Serbia is also a candidate country and it is bound by the exact same conditions and in that, of course, good neighbourly relations is part and parcel of the conditions. And this is why we are also, of course having these criteria taken very seriously when it comes to Serbia.

In Montenegro, I think that the problems are more deeply rooted. This polarisation of the political life has now shown a complete deadlock in the country, a complete deadlock from which only the country can bring itself out of and this is why we are supporting the holding of elections both for parliament and president as fast as possible and to get the necessary political support from the people of Montenegro – because it is for the people of Montenegro to take the lead and to exercise their will for the future of the country.

  Tomislav Sokol (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, dok je čitava Europska unija ujedinjena u osudi ruske invazije na Ukrajinu, Srbija uporno odbija uskladiti svoju vanjsku politiku s europskom.

Dakle, moje pitanje je koje mehanizme Europska unija ima na raspolaganju da bi prisilila Srbiju da uskladi svoju politiku prema Rusiji s politikom Europske unije i je li Unija zbog toga spremna eventualno zaustaviti pristupne pregovore sa Srbijom dok Srbija ne ispuni ono što je potrebno?

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – I think that we have made it very clear, also in our report, that CFSP alignment is part and parcel of the accession criteria. We have asked Serbia, also as an ally – as a candidate country, we consider it to be an ally – to be on our side and also help us with aligning itself to our CFSP policy, including the measures in it.

I think it is also very clear, politically speaking, for anybody who is observing the accession process of Serbia, that for many of our Member States, this is now maybe the most important criterion against which progress can be made. However, I need to recall that, according to the rules which we are all bound by (i.e. the negotiating framework and the new methodology), CFSP alignment is not a criterion on the basis of which you can suspend accession negotiations. And, as you know, suspending accession negotiations is only the last resort. We have seen one case where the negotiations have been put on hold and you have seen how such a decision can come about. But I’m still hopeful that Serbia understands the importance of helping us in this fight against the impact of the war Russia has instigated against Ukraine. And we are hopeful that Serbia will also come around in the end.

  Dominique Bilde (ID). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, la visite récente de l’envoyé spécial de l’Union européenne pour le dialogue serbo-kosovar a rappelé le refus acharné de Pristina d’appliquer une disposition de l’accord de Bruxelles de 2013, à savoir la création de l’Association des municipalités à majorité serbe. Cette obstination, qui persiste depuis près de dix ans, est symptomatique de l’ostracisme subi par les Serbes du Kosovo. Quelle solution proposez-vous pour sortir de l’impasse?

Deuxièmement, on a dénoncé, à juste titre, certains accords en matière de visas, qui sont une des causes de la crise migratoire dans la région. Un autre aspect de cette crise a trait au nombre important de ressortissants des Balkans eux-mêmes dans les flux migratoires. Je pense en l’occurrence aux migrants albanais, qui se ruent vers le Royaume-Uni ou vers l’Union européenne pour y demander l’asile.

Dans le cadre des négociations, je pense qu’il est urgent de trouver une solution à cette situation, qui est incompatible avec le statut de pays candidat de l’Albanie. C’est aussi une question de crédibilité.

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – On the first question, I think the best would be to respond by quoting the conclusions of the European Council from last week and there, in point 30 of it, the European Council made a very clear statement, and not only a statement but a very clear condition for the progress on the European path. I quote, ‘The European Council urges both parties to implement, fully and without conditions, the obligations they committed to in the framework of the dialogue, including agreements from the years 2013 and 2015 to create an association/community of Serb majority municipalities’. I think the EU line is very clear.

It is also very clear that the European path for Kosovo goes through – as it is the case for Serbia – a successful dialogue. This is why we need now the next round of negotiations to take place. Our High Representative has a plan. Our High Representative has negotiated this plan also with both sides. Both sides have agreed, in principle, that it can be a basis for further discussions and hopefully agreements in the future. And this is why I hope that with this very clear messaging from the European Council, it is clear what needs doing.

Now, on your second question, the issue of bogus asylum claims. Yes, this is not new. This is something that has been also an important element in the run-up to the decision back in 2020 for agreeing in the Council to start the accession negotiations with Albania and North Macedonia.

And there the Council has been able to come to an agreement because the Albanian authorities have engaged even more with our Member States, meaning that every time there is a bogus asylum claim, meaning that an asylum claim that has been put there by somebody who is falling under the visa-free regime, and it is an Albanian citizen, Albania is ready to take back that citizen. The cooperation is ongoing at that level and Albania is taking back its citizens who are abusing our social system through bogus asylum claims.

So, I think that it is clear that the situation is completely different compared to what it was a couple of years ago. Not only that, but we see that what we have put there as arrangements in practice are working and we have very few numbers still in the European Union waiting to be returned to Albania.

  Der Präsident. – Die Fragestunde ist damit geschlossen.