Verbatim report of proceedings

Tuesday, 13 June 2023 - Strasbourg

2. Humanitarian and environmental consequences of the destruction of the Nova Kakhovka dam - Sustainable reconstruction and integration of Ukraine into the Euro-Atlantic community (debate)

  Sēdes vadītājs. – Pirmais darba kārtības punkts ir kopīgās debates par Ukrainu

- Padomes un Komisijas paziņojumi par humanitārajām un vidiskajām sekām pēc Novakahovkas dambja sagraušanas (2023/2738( RSP)) un

- Padomes un Komisijas paziņojumi par Ukrainas ilgtspējīgu rekonstrukciju un integrāciju eiroatlantiskajā kopienā (2023/2739(RSP)).

  Jessika Roswall, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, honourable Members, Commissioner, the destruction of the Kakhovka hydroelectric power plant on 6 June would not have happened if Russia had not started its illegal war of aggression against Ukraine. We, as the European Union, have condemned this attack. It represents another violation of international law, notably international humanitarian law. We expressed our full sympathy and solidarity with the Ukrainian people, especially those in the affected areas, for their losses and suffering.

The downstream flooding has endangered the lives of thousands of innocent people and is affecting water and energy supplies. It also has extremely negative consequences for the environment and agriculture in vast areas of Ukraine. This ecological and environmental catastrophe will take years to repair and those responsible need to be held to account for this and for other war crimes in connection with the Russian aggression. Dealing with the consequences of this despicable act and relieving the damage caused will be a part of our effort towards the recovery and reconstruction of Ukraine.

We will continue our response to Russia’s war as we have done until now, along three strands. Through our unwavering support to Ukraine, and in this regard, I would like to thank the European Parliament for its resolute support, the international isolation of sanctions against Russia, and diplomatic outreach around the world to mitigate the effect of the Russian war and fight back Russian disinformation, which, regrettably, still has an impact and traction.

Today, the EU’s and its Member States’ support for Ukraine amounts to at least EUR 70 billion, including macro financial assistance, military support and humanitarian aid. We will continue to strengthen this support for as long as it takes. It is crucial to help Ukraine prevail, win the war and win the peace, and our support is clear.

First, our security commitment to Ukraine – it includes European Peace Facility, training of Ukrainian soldiers, more air defence support and ramping up the EU defence industry. The initial objective of 15 000 soldiers trained is already reached and we are well on track to train the new objective of 30 000 soldiers. Our initiative on ammunition is a clear example on how the EU thinks and acts in both the short and the long term. We are delivering on our promise of 1 million rounds of ammunition within 12 months, while also looking into different options to ensure that our military support is sustainable in the long term. We have allocated EUR 500 million to ramp up European defence industries through ASAP – the Act in Support of Ammunition Production.

Second, nearly a year ago, the EU took a truly historic decision: Ukraine was granted candidate country status. The strategic objective of both the EU and Ukraine is clear: EU membership. The process must be merit-based and necessary reforms must be implemented. Ukraine’s European path represents the EU’s ultimate solidarity and support for Ukraine.

Third, we continue working to undermine Russia’s war machine also through sanctions, with 10 packages adopted and work ongoing towards adopting an 11th package. I can assure you that the Swedish presidency is working hard towards the adoption of this package. We have sanctioned 1 473 individuals and 207 entities and have taken sectoral measures, including export controls, and we have phased out Russian energy and taken action to stop access to the international financial system and assets abroad.

Fourth, accountability – we continue working together with Ukraine to ensure full accountability for war crimes and other serious crimes committed against Ukraine, including the crime of aggression. In addition to our support via the ICC and Ukraine’s Office of the Prosecutor-General, we work on a joint EU position on the dedicated tribunal for the crime of aggression.

Fifth – peace support, supporting President Zelenskyy’s peace formula and the organisation of a peace formula summit with wide international participation. No one is longing for peace more than Ukraine and the Ukrainian people. We support President Zelenskyy’s initiative for a just peace based on respect for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, as protected by the UN Charter. We, as the EU, have a clear responsibility to ensure that Ukraine will become a successful EU Member State. This responsibility calls for our continuous mobilisation, today, while Russia continues waging war and committing war crimes, tomorrow, for the reconstruction and recovery of Ukraine, and throughout, to support Ukraine in implementing the reforms needed with a view to EU accession.

  Valdis Dombrovskis, Komisijas priekšsēdētājas izpildvietnieks. – Priekšsēdētāja kungs! Godātie deputāti!

I’m here to address you today on the latest developments in Ukraine. The update on EU support after the destruction of the Nova Kakhovka dam and our approach for Ukraine’s reconstruction conference next week in London.

We have expressed our support to Ukrainian people whose lives are at risk as a result of this senseless attack, which represents a new dimension of Russian atrocities. One of the most critical aspects that we must continue to follow is the potential impact on the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant. The situation is currently stable as the water levels from the cooling pond within the reservoir also remain stable.

We are also appalled by very alarming reports that Russian forces are shelling Ukrainian rescuers trying to reach flooded areas in the Kherson region. Since the early hours of 6 June, the Emergency Response Coordination Centre of the European Commission has been closely monitoring the situation and remains in constant contact with the Ukrainian emergency services. A first coordinated meeting with Ukraine and the civil protection authorities of all EU Member States took place on 6 June and resulted in a formal request for assistance from the Ukrainian State Emergency Service. To date, 14 Member States and Union civil protection mechanism participating states have offered assistance to Ukraine. This includes 76 boats, over 300 water pumps and over 160 000 shelter items.

The Commission’s immediate response to the dam breach and the rapid mobilisation of assistance is a result of foresight work that had begun months before. Ever since Russian forces occupied the dam, the Emergency Response Coordination Centre has developed a detailed impact analysis and modelling of various degrees of a dam break. This analysis has been constantly updated and shared with the Ukrainian emergency services for contingency planning and operational preparedness. This work allowed valuable time to be gained and situational awareness for emergency response after last week’s events. Similar work is needed for other disaster risks.

Honourable Members, I will now turn to the next point at this debate, the reconstruction of Ukraine. The EU is committed to long—term support for Ukraine’s recovery and reconstruction. The Commission is looking at EU support for Ukraine in the medium term beyond 2023 as part of our mid—term review of the 2024—2027 multiannual financial framework, which is ongoing. It is clear that investment in Ukraine’s recovery and reconstruction cannot wait until the war ends. In many regions it can start now. Supporting the recovery implies sustaining economic activity, people with critical needs and basic infrastructure – all vital for much—needed stability and growth.

Ukraine will need additional support this year, in particular for its rapid recovery needs. The rapid damage and needs assessment has estimated its immediate rapid recovery needs for 2023 at USD 14 billion for priority areas like civil and social infrastructure, energy infrastructure, housing, private—sector development and humanitarian demining.

In order to have a clear overview of needs and how to better respond to them, a well—structured and coordinated approach of reconstruction is needed, both when it comes to fast recovery and longer—term measures. We need a plan that is fully owned by Ukraine and ensures a broad government approach, setting out a clear vision and sequenced reconstruction priorities and supporting the EU accession track. It will facilitate secure and predictable financial support beyond 2023 from a broader donor base. This will require a broad government approach, including at central and local levels. The government should use the full potential of the multi—agency coordination platform in which Ukraine takes part as a central coordination mechanism for Ukraine. This includes a decisive role that it can play in mobilising global efforts beyond 2023 and matching needs with resources.

It is important to stress that Ukraine’s reconciliation should also be financed by Russian assets. The EU is committed to ensuring that Russia is held fully accountable for its unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine. We have to ensure strong coordination with our European financial institutions – both the European Investment Bank and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development – to make sure that they play an important role in Ukraine’s reconstruction. This includes fast recovery as well as post—war reconstruction efforts. Both banks have lived up to the role, stepping up their support for Ukraine from the very first days of Russia’s war.

The EIB has also set up the ‘EU for Ukraine’ initiative to finance its recovery and reconstruction. The Commission and the EIB are finalising an agreement today to enable the EIB to provide EUR 100 million of new loans to Ukraine with support of the EU Guarantee. In May, the EBRD governors agreed to launch a process of capital increase to provide more firepower for the continuous critical roles that the bank plays in Ukraine and its forthcoming reconstruction.

The successful third meeting of the steering committee of the Multi-agency Donor Coordination Platform on 26 May confirms the platform’s vital role as a catalyst for mobilising international commitments to respond to Ukraine’s priority needs in 2023 and beyond, and to facilitate ever closer coordination to help meet the needs on the ground. The next steering committee meeting will take place in person in the margins of the Ukraine Recovery Conference 2023.

The European Commission welcomes the focus of the London Recovery Conference on the private sector. It seems that various initiatives are being developed for private—sector support. This is good, but we need to ensure complementarities and avoid duplication.

The reforms related to improving the business environment are crucial for Ukraine’s recovery and reconstruction. The perspective of the EU accession provides fundamental value in this regard. The public sector will play an important role in providing guarantees and other de-risking instruments, particularly insurance, to enable private—sector participation and investment in Ukraine. This will be particularly important to restore trade and commerce flows. The European Commission is working to launch a pilot facility to counter—guarantee export credit agencies so that they can continue to cover for exports on the EU companies to Ukraine.

The lack of war insurance in most EU Member States is seen as one of the barriers to engage private business in Ukraine’s reconstruction. We are in discussion with several partners, including the UK and the EBRD, about a potential scheme to incentivise the insurance industry to launch war insurance policies for Ukraine. The Commission is also working with the EIB on a EUR 40 million guarantee facility for micro-, small and medium—sized enterprises.

Honourable Members, it is important to keep Ukraine high on the leaders’ agenda to demonstrate the EU’s unwavering support. Pending the oral update on implementing the seven steps of the Commission opinion, we will update as Ukraine continues its war efforts. Progress on reforms during wartime has been impressive, but some work remains to be done. The European Commission and our delegation in Kyiv are closely cooperating with Ukrainian interlocutors on a few outstanding issues. It is important that the EU sends a message to Ukraine and our international partners that the EU is ready to ensure sustainable and predictable financial support beyond 2023. The EU will play a special role for Ukraine’s reconstruction, and reconstruction efforts need to go hand in hand with the reforms to build a modern and resilient country that is really turned towards the EU. The Commission is working on proposals in this area that will likely accompany a mid-term review of the multiannual financial framework.

The Commission cannot comment on third states’ relationships with NATO, as the EU has no say on that. But that said, it’s clear that credible arrangements are needed to guarantee Ukraine’s future security and to break Russia’s cycle of aggression.

  Rasa Juknevičienė, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, dear colleagues, Vice-President Valdis Dombrovskis, thank you for your personal involvement in saving Ukraine. Let me continue from where you left off. After Nova Kakhovka, it should be obvious to all that we must stop the terrorist Putin regime. And we must take bold steps that are needed to ensure sustainable peace in Europe for generations to come.

This requires even more courage than we have shown so far. Putin likes it when the world fears him. I am not sure that we have learnt all of our lessons. Fear led some NATO countries in Bucharest not to grant MAP to Ukraine. Now we have a chance to correct our mistakes. The EPP Group recently adopted a position on Ukraine’s membership of NATO. The EPP expects that the upcoming Vilnius and Washington summits pave the way to extend an invitation to Ukraine to join NATO, and that the accession process will start after the war is over and be finalised as soon as possible.

Why is this particularly important? First, a grey security zone of the size of Ukraine between Russia and the West would pose a permanent temptation. Second, Ukrainian battle-tested and Western-equipped armed forces would provide significant military added value in Europe. Third, it will unite us to guarantee sustainable peace on the European continent. And fourth, it will prevent any future possible aggressive revenge and stop Russian neo-imperial expansionism.

‘Do not be afraid’, said Pope Paul II back in the Soviet times. And Ukrainians are not afraid. Let us not be afraid to take bold steps today. Putin’s dictatorship is not power. Freedom is power.

  Pedro Marques, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, Minister. Mr Vice President, colleagues, the barbaric war of aggression against Ukraine continues spreading death, destruction and suffering. A continuous series of war crimes and relentless destruction, as we’ve just witnessed this evening in Kiev, now even blowing up dams, endangering the life of thousands of civilians and even the safety of the Zaporizhzhia power plant, committing an authentic ecocide with tragic effects that will remain for many, many years. Besides the unwavering support to Ukraine in this war, the EU and the international community must also stand ready to support Ukraine in its reconstruction. Strong European support will be key for the reconstruction and a meaningful recovery process. And for that, we need to find the money. Billions of euros will be needed and we should certainly start sooner than later by creating the legal basis, Mr Vice President, to finally use the money confiscated from Putin and his regime for this reconstruction of Ukraine.

  Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, Madam Minister, Mr Commissioner, Dear colleagues, Ukraine and its people are heroically fighting for their civilian future. They also defend our shared values and freedoms. In resisting Russia’s destructive aggression, Ukraine needs not only the help of all of us, but also our backing to become a full member of the Euro-Atlantic community, a deserving member of the European Union and NATO. Euro-Atlantic integration is not a compensation to Ukraine for the suffering it has endured and the reforms it has undertaken. By helping Ukraine to achieve membership in the Euro-Atlantic community, we are strengthening ourselves and we are reconfirming our own policy based on building alliances among likeminded democracies in general. 2023 must be a turning point because time is precious. Uncertainty and delay can become synonymous with war crimes in Nova Kakhovka. To avoid this, Russian aggression should be deterred and defeated by our joint and coherent policies. Finally, we must allow Ukraine to make its membership contribution to the security and prosperity of the Euro-Atlantic community.

  Viola von Cramon-Taubadel, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen! Russland ist und bleibt ein Terrorstaat. Massenexekutionen in Butscha, Bombardierungen von Geburtskliniken in Mariupol, Niederbrennen von ganzen Städten, tausendfache Kinderverschleppung. Wir erwarten von Putins Regime nichts als Grausamkeiten, aber selbst diese Erwartung übertrifft es jedes Mal.

Die Sprengung des Kachowka-Staudamms ist ein weiterer neuer Tiefpunkt des mörderischen Tyrannen. Die Ukraine und unsere Geheimdienste haben uns allerdings davor gewarnt. Das gilt auch für die Videos, in denen russisches Militär mit der Anbringung von Sprengmaterial im Staudamm prahlte. Seit Beginn der Invasion haben die Russen allein den Damm kontrolliert. Die seismische Station hat eine Explosion im Inneren des Bauwerks festgestellt, nicht durch externe Projektile, wie russische Propagandisten behaupten. Widersprüchlich, inkompetent, feige – kurzum, dieses Verbrechen trägt eindeutig russische Fingerabdrücke. Kachowka ist die Fortsetzung von Russlands Ökozid in der Ukraine. Russlands imperialistischer Instinkt diktiert: Wenn ich es nicht haben kann, sollst auch du es nicht haben.

Die russischen Besatzer holzen massiv und illegal ukrainische Wälder ab, um ihren blutigen Krieg zu finanzieren. Sie haben ukrainische Industrieanlagen zerstört und damit toxische Substanzen in Boden, Wasser und Luft freigesetzt. Sie haben Phosphor und andere chemische Waffen eingesetzt und damit Flora und Fauna vernichtet. Sie haben Tausende von Quadratkilometern Land und Meer vermint. Sie haben unzähligen Wild- und Nutztieren Leid und Tod zugefügt. Allein im Zoo von Kachowka sind mehr als 200 Tiere ertrunken.

Die Besatzer sind in Panik. Sie haben den Damm gesprengt, weil sie auf dem Rückzug sind. Ihr einziges Ziel ist es nun, verbrannte Erde zu hinterlassen. Das ist der Anfang vom Ende. Wenn ihre Verteidigungslinien bröckeln, wird auch Putins Regime zusammenbrechen. Russland wird für alle Verbrechen − diesen Ökozid eingeschlossen − zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden. In der Zwischenzeit wird sich auch die Ukraine nicht nur durchsetzen, sondern auch wieder aufblühen – und das nicht nur, weil gestern die Fußballnationalmannschaft fast gegen Deutschland gewonnen hat. Die Ukraine wird sicher ein Gewinn für die EU und die NATO sein. Dieser Tag wird kommen.

  Anna Fotyga, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, Minister, Vice-President, blowing up the Nova Kakhovka dam was once more showing the evil face of the Russian Federation.

Vice-President, Minister, the long list of efforts of the EU you mentioned during your speech is commendable. Yet I have to appeal to all of us to step up our efforts because much more is needed to help Ukraine really decisively win this war. Blowing up Nova Kakhovka means not only suffering of people, although my heart is with them, but shows the totally new method used in warfare by the Russian Federation – clearly asymmetric methods, and therefore I strongly support what you said in your last sentence, Vice—President, and what Rasa Juknevičienė said today: we have to respond positively to the will of the Ukrainian people to join NATO and the EU as soon as possible. It is not only for their security. It is for the security of all of us.

  Jaak Madison, on behalf of the ID Group. – Mr President, good morning everyone, first of all, I absolutely agree with both of the speakers, with Mr Vice-President of the Commission and Ms Roswall, that we have to continue with the support to Ukraine. There is no doubt about that.

Where I’m a bit more concerned is about with the hope only for the sanctions because sanctions can be effective in the long term but we have never won any war with Russia only with the sanctions. I just checked about the numbers. The majority of Western companies are still doing business as usual in Russia; only 8 % of the companies have left Russia. So the sanctions are always tricky. So it’s harming both sides but, unfortunately, it’s not harming enough Russia. So there is an absolutely clear logic that we need more military aid to Ukraine to win the war.

To reconstruct Ukraine, first of all, we win the war. We have to win the war and then we can continue.

Secondly, of course, we have to finance Ukraine to build up Ukraine again, but there has to be absolutely total control over the funds, what we are using from our taxpayers in Ukraine because well we shouldn’t forget that the corruption problem is not solved. It’s not like gone in Ukraine with the war. So we just have to take this into account. But there is, of course, no doubt that we have to help to build up Ukraine again with the funds from the EU, from the European countries, but with absolutely clear control over the funds.

Third point, if we want to really win the war and if we want to punish the aggressor, for me, it was absolutely like not understandable to read few days ago when Mr Macron, the French President, said that he was not doing nothing to block the Russian athletes to participate next year in the Olympic Games in Paris. At the same time, we know clearly from the numbers that from the Olympic Games in Tokyo, Russia won 71 medals and 45 of them were from that leads who are members of the Russian army. So their family members on the same time are occupying and fighting in Ukraine. And Russia has always used sport as a part of the propaganda. There is no different things like sport and the military actions; it’s always connected. And I would like to see next year in the Olympic Games how Russia is using in the propaganda, their medals in Paris that they are part of the normal life, that nothing has happened. So they are just continuing to be part of the Olympic Games. And can we imagine that the Ukrainian athletes are shaking hands around the same competition with the Russian athletes who are part of the aggression? This has to be an absolutely clear message from the EU.

(The President cut off the speaker)

  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der Fraktion The Left. – Herr Präsident, Herr Vizepräsident, liebe Ratspräsidentschaft! Seien wir ehrlich, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, wann die Menschen in der Ukraine wieder in Frieden und Sicherheit leben können, kann heute leider niemand sagen.

Jeder neue Kriegstag fordert neues Leid, neue Zerstörungen, und der Dammbruch von Nowa Kachowka ist ein weiteres trauriges Beispiel dafür, dass gerade die Zivilbevölkerung unter der russischen Aggression leidet. Mein Mitgefühl, unsere Solidarität mit der betroffenen Bevölkerung.

Trotzdem – und da stimme ich Ihnen zu, Herr Vizepräsident – ist es wichtig, sich schon jetzt mit dem Wiederaufbau der Ukraine zu befassen. Die Herausforderungen sind gigantisch. Schon jetzt wird der Wiederaufbau mehr als das Doppelte der ukrainischen Wirtschaftsleistung verschlingen. Das Land wirbt im Ausland um Kapital – Sie haben davon gesprochen –, und Investoren wie BlackRock lassen sich nicht zweimal bitten. Letzterer ist bereits von der Selenskyj-Administration kostenfrei zum Träger des ukrainischen Entwicklungsfonds benannt worden.

Lassen Sie es mich auch deutlich sagen: Nach dem Krieg darf nicht vor dem Ausverkauf sein. Können Bäuerinnen und Bauern weiter ihr eigenes und nicht ausländischen Investoren verkauftes Land bewirtschaften? Wie tragen wir zur Entminung bei? Schafft die Ukraine den Umstieg auf sichere und umweltfreundliche Energieträger? Wird die Demokratisierung von allen Bevölkerungsgruppen des Landes getragen werden können? Sehen junge, gut ausgebildete Ukrainerinnen weiter ihre Zukunft in einem modernen, zukunftsgewandten Land, in dem nicht länger oligarchische Strukturen und Korruption die Taschen einiger weniger im Land und außerhalb füllen, sondern sie sich einbringen können? All diese Fragen werden jetzt entschieden.

Die Zivilgesellschaft muss mit am Tisch sitzen, wenn über den Wiederaufbau der Ukraine entschieden wird. Die Finanzhilfen der EU und der internationalen Staatengemeinschaften dürfen kein Öl ins Feuer der Privatisierung gießen. Das heißt, als erster Schritt sollte hier die Tilgung der Schulden der Ukraine bei IWF, Weltbank, internationalen Gläubigergemeinschaften und natürlich bei der EU stehen.

Und auch der russische Staat muss unter transparenter internationaler Aufsicht diese Verantwortung übernehmen. Das sage ich hier sehr deutlich. Der Wiederaufbau muss ein Projekt sein, das den Menschen in der Ukraine Hoffnung gibt. Build back better. Nehmen wir diese Forderung ernst.

  Miroslav Radačovský (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, na východnom fronte horia nemecké tanky, obyvatelia Donecka, Luhanska a obyvatelia Krymu bojujú za svoje historické územia, ale predovšetkým tam zomierajú tisíce Slovanov. A Anglosasi? Chystajú sa na dovolenky, k moru, na Sardíniu. V Amerike sa natáčajú filmy v Hollywoode, chystá sa červený koberec na udeľovanie Oscarov. A na Ukrajine, nech sa tam zabíjajú. Nech sa tam vyhadzujú priehrady, nech sú tam ekologické katastrofy. Anglosasi snívajú svoj historický sen: dobyjeme Rusko, obsadíme Krym, prístavy v Čiernom mori a budeme spokojní, kľudní. Zastavme to. Prímerie, chápem, že je neprípustné, lebo prímerie je mier aj rokovanie. Zastavme to kvôli Slovanom, kvôli tomu, aby sa už v budúcnosti takéto veci neopakovali. Hovorím to úplne bez emócií, jasne. Všetci vieme, čo je príčina tejto vojny. Len si to nechceme priznať.

  Radosław Sikorski (PPE). – Mr President, I would like to thank the Commissioner for the presentation. Of course, we should always be aware that we are a confederation and that the contributions of the European institutions should be counted together with the contributions of the Member States.

Of course, we need to do more, more urgently, but I hope that this outrage at Nova Kakhovka joins the long list of charges against the Russian leadership at The Hague or somewhere where we convene an international tribunal. I hope it also gives pause for thought. Who says that we should negotiate with Mr Putin? Would you really want to entrust the security of your country to the signature of a man who has ordered this outrage?

No, ladies and gentlemen, the real negotiation is being done by the brave soldiers of the Ukrainian army. God bless them. I hope they negotiate all the way to the international boundaries of the Ukraine State. Slava Ukraini!

  Sven Mikser (S&D). – Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, let make just three brief points. First of all, reconstruction. It will be a long process, but it cannot wait until Ukraine has won the war. It will have to start now. Russia will eventually have to pay for all the damage they have done. But meanwhile, we must find legally sound ways to use the frozen assets of the aggressor to at least partially cover the cost of the effort. And we should make no mistake, reconstruction is going to be an enormous undertaking that requires the full participation of Ukrainian authorities and civil society, as well as the international community, including our Union.

Secondly, the reconstruction effort must not take our focus away from continued and growing need for military assistance to Ukraine. The counteroffensive to take back illegally occupied parts of Ukraine is just getting underway and during the increasingly intense fighting, the attrition is going to be enormous.

And finally, we must proceed swiftly and decisively with Ukraine’s European and Euro-Atlantic integration. For this is the only way to guarantee Ukraine’s and Europe’s security in a sustainable way.

  Nathalie Loiseau (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Ministre, Monsieur le Commissaire, pendant que nous préparons la reconstruction de l’Ukraine, la Russie, elle, poursuit son œuvre de destruction. Chaque jour, des vies sont fauchées, des habitations sont visées et des champs sont minés. La plus grande centrale nucléaire d’Europe, celle de Zaporijjia, est occupée par la Russie, qui y a entreposé du matériel militaire. Elle est à l’arrêt. Les suites de l’effondrement du barrage de Nova Kakhovka mettent la sécurité de la centrale en danger.

Parlons-en de ce barrage. Que sait-on? Qu’il est en zone occupée par la Russie, que, quelques jours avant son effondrement, la Russie avait décidé d’interdire toute enquête dans un cas similaire, et qu’il n’y a donc pas d’enquête russe, pas plus qu’il n’y a de secours russe sur la rive gauche du Dniepr. Pire: que l’armée russe tire sur les secouristes ukrainiens qui essayent de sauver des vies.

Alors, on vient nous dire: «On ne sait pas qui a fait le coup.» Souvenez-vous qu’on nous a dit la même chose en 2014, quand un avion de ligne a été abattu au-dessus du Donbass. On ne savait pas. Des années plus tard, la vérité a éclaté. La Russie était impliquée, mais nous avions détourné le regard. Ne le détournons pas de l’agression russe en Ukraine et de ses conséquences. La Russie devra être défaite et la Russie devra payer pour la reconstruction de ce qu’elle a détruit. Il n’y a pas d’autre voie.

  Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, last week, President Zelenskyy convened a remote meeting with some 50 global environmental leaders and personalities in the aftermath of the destruction of the Nova Kakhovka dam. He asked all of us present to alert opinions internationally towards this horrific crime, which is a war crime.

The actions of the Russian aggressor may very well fall under the crime of ecocide. And, colleagues, you know that this House has called for ecocide to be enshrined in EU law, paving the way for better recognition and condemnation of ecocide under international law. And this is absolutely necessary. So we must do all we can to ensure accountability for this horrific crime and other destruction of the environment caused by the aggression.

  Witold Jan Waszczykowski (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Martwi mnie to, że pięćset dni po rozpoczęciu wojny Komisja ciągle zastanawia się, kiedy i jak pomóc Ukrainie. Nie można czekać na zakończenie wojny. Trzeba po pierwsze przedstawić jasną perspektywę członkostwa w instytucjach transatlantyckich. To wzmocni determinację obrony. Po drugie, pomóc państwom europejskim przekazać Ukrainie zamrożone pieniądze oligarchów. Po trzecie, wszelkie pieniądze z afer, takich jak Katargate, przekazać Ukrainie. I ostatnie, po czwarte, należy pomóc państwom, które pomagają Ukrainie. Nie przeszkadzać i nie wbijać im noża w plecy przez blokowanie KPO i innych funduszy. Dziękuję.

  Anna Bonfrisco (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Ministro, signor Commissario, questo è un momento senza precedenti per la sicurezza euroatlantica, una sicurezza che non ci può essere senza un Artico sicuro, un Mar Baltico sicuro, un Mar Nero sicuro, l'intero Mediterraneo allargato sicuro e un'Africa sicura. Ma la Russia ha invaso uno Stato sovrano euroatlantico, sconvolgendo molti aspetti della nostra sicurezza.

Nell'infliggere questa devastazione, la Russia ha un complice compiacente e molto potente: la Cina. In questo ambiente geopolitico rimaniamo impegnati a sostenere i bisogni urgenti dell'Ucraina e aumentare le sue capacità di combattimento a lungo termine.

Cari amici ucraini, non potendo vincere sul campo di battaglia, i russi hanno cercato di far morire di freddo nell'inverno la popolazione civile, di portare morte e distruzione ovunque con piogge di missili e ora cercano di affossarci economicamente, danneggiando immensamente le capacità produttive agricole. Ma la vostra resilienza, il coraggio e la determinazione nel difenderci tutti, ancora una volta ci impressiona, ci commuove e ci dà il coraggio e la convinzione di stare al vostro fianco fino alla fine, per mettere fine a ogni forma di violenza e di crimini contro l'umanità. E quella diga non versa solo acqua, ma tutte le lacrime del mondo civile.

  Özlem Demirel (The Left). – Herr Präsident, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Merken Sie das eigentlich? Sie diskutieren gerade über den Wiederaufbau der Ukraine, über die euro-transatlantische Integration, während in der Ukraine ein Krieg tobt und während dieser Krieg immer brutalere Ausmaße annimmt. Und Sie diskutieren das, ohne eine einzige Initiative für ein Ende des Krieges ergriffen zu haben. Sie tun das, indem sie beispielsweise alle Friedensinitiativen − diplomatischen Friedensinitiativen −, die es gab − egal ob aus Brasilien, aus Afrika, aus China oder von Herrn Guterres − beiseitewischen. Nicht nur das: Sie befeuern diesen Krieg immer weiter mit Waffen und sagen der Bevölkerung in Europa, sie solle den Gürtel enger schnallen.

Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, glauben Sie ernsthaft, Sie werden die Ukraine in die NATO aufnehmen oder in die EU aufnehmen, während dort ein ganz brutaler Krieg läuft? Sie müssen etwas unternehmen, damit dieser Krieg endet. Und ich sage Ihnen ganz deutlich: Die NATO ist nicht Teil der Lösung, sie ist Teil des Problems.

Die USA erklären bereits heute, sie werden die Ukraine nicht nur unterstützen, sondern komplett neu gestalten. Ich dachte, es ginge um Souveränität, um Selbstbestimmung! Woher nehmen Sie sich das Recht heraus, die Ukraine neu gestalten zu können? Ja, Russland führt einen brutalen und völkerrechtswidrigen Angriffskrieg, und dieser ist zu verurteilen, aber Russland macht das, was die NATO zuvor in Jugoslawien, in Afghanistan und in anderen Ländern dieser Welt gemacht hat. Mit gleichen Lügen begann Russland einen Krieg. Und deshalb sage ich ganz deutlich, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen: Sie wollen, dass sich die Bevölkerung in Europa an Krieg gewöhnt, deshalb gibt es Initiativen wie Air Defender. Die Bevölkerung wird sich nicht an diesen Krieg gewöhnen. Je länger er dauert, umso mehr wird die Ablehnung aus der Bevölkerung stärker …

(Der Präsident entzieht der Rednerin das Wort.)

  Milan Uhrík (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, európsku politiku ovláda Amerika, Spojené štáty americké, záujmy Spojených štátov amerických, a tak to, bohužiaľ, aj s európskou politikou vyzerá. Namiesto toho, aby sa v tomto parlamente, v Európskom parlamente, riešili problémy Európy, tu neustále na každom pléne riešime Ukrajinu. Ukrajina, pomoc Ukrajincom, integrácia Ukrajiny. Mám pocit, že aj v tej skrini v kancelárii na mňa vyskočí, keď ju otvorím, prezident Zelenskyj. To nemyslím v zlom, ale tak premenujme to na Ukrajinskú úniu namiesto Európskej únie, pretože mám pocit, že toto začínajú byť priority Európskej únie. Kedy sa tu naposledy riešili problémy skutočných Európanov, pôvodných Európanov, imigračná kríza alebo chudoba? Namiesto toho sa tu rieši len pomoc Ukrajincom. Teraz ide nová slovenská vláda dávať svoje programové vyhlásenie do Národnej rady Slovenskej republiky. Hlavná priorita: pomoc Ukrajine. Nemá byť našou úlohou predsa chrániť v prvom rade záujmy Európy alebo teda záujmy členského štátu, z ktorého pochádzame? Začnime sa konečne venovať tomuto a neriešme problémy celého sveta, najmä tie, ktoré Európa nespôsobila.

  Andrius Kubilius (PPE). – Mr President, dear colleagues, let me be blunt: the war was started not only because Putin is a criminal aggressor, but also because of our great strategic geopolitical mistakes in the past. The biggest mistake was to leave Ukraine for long decades in the grey zone, without clear membership perspective in NATO or European Union. That created temptation for Putin to imagine that both NATO and the EU are weak and afraid of him and that he can grab territories of Ukraine, but the West will continue its dialogue with Putin.

Now it’s time for us to correct our past mistakes, which cost thousands of Ukrainian lives. Ukraine should get an invitation to join NATO during the Vilnius Summit and should become a member after the war, and Ukraine needs to start EU accession negotiations at the end of this year in order to conclude them before the end of this decade. This is the only way sustainable peace, which is needed for all of us, can be created on the European continent – because our policy of removing grey zones on European continent, in the end, will help Russia transformation back to normality and democracy.

  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovane kolegice i kolege. Rusija opet dokazuje da ne bira sredstva u ostvarenju ciljeva svoje agresije na Ukrajinu. A kada su ti ciljevi ugroženi, njihove zločinačke akcije imaju sve brutalnije posljedice. Rušenjem brane Nova Kahovka, humanitarnim, socijalnim i ekonomskim posljedicama pridružena je i ekološka katastrofa. Zato puna podrška ukrajinskim snagama u protuofenzivi koju su pokrenuli. Nadamo se dobrim vijestima s bojišta u narednim danima i tjednima. U međuvremenu je od iznimne važnosti raspravljati i poduzimati konkretne akcije za obnovu Ukrajine.

Podržavam inicijativu Vijeća Europe o uspostavi registra šteta izazvanih ruskom agresijom. Valjda će i preostale dvije članice Europske unije priznati vrijednost te inicijative. Pridružujem se i pozivima za donošenje zakonodavnog okvira kojim bi se ruska sankcionirana imovina koristila za obnovu Ukrajine. I hrvatsko iskustvo s poslijeratnom obnovom može koristiti kao referenca, sa svim uspjesima, ali i manama. Obnova Ukrajine bit će potpuno uspješna samo ako bude vođena na transparentan i socijalno uključiv način uz sveobuhvatnu obnovu državnih institucija.

  Hilde Vautmans (Renew). – Voorzitter, commissaris, collega’s, de vernietiging van de Nova Kachovka-dam is de zoveelste onmenselijke oorlogsmisdaad door het Russische leger. Voor mij toont het nogmaals aan dat we meer en sneller moeten doen. Ik denk dat dit moment het volgende duidelijk moet maken: ten eerste, nu snel zorgen voor noodhulp. Dit is denk ik de ergste menselijke milieuramp sinds Tsjernobyl. Dus zorg alsjeblieft dat die noodhulp er komt.

En ten tweede: we zijn nu denk ik bezig aan het elfde sanctiepakket. Het elfde. Kunnen we nu alsjeblieft zorgen dat daar eens alles op staat? Laten we de misdrijven uitbreiden, ook tot diamant. Dat zeg ik als fiere Belg. Maar wij willen geen bloeddiamant. Zorg eens dat die 6 000 namen van Navalny daarop staan. Zorg eens dat er een Europees mechanisme is dat het omzeilen van die sancties toch wel bestrijdt. En last but not least: hoe lang moeten wij nog wachten tot dat oorlogstribunaal wordt opgericht om deze oorlogsmisdaden te berechten?

  Marie Toussaint (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, «la pire catastrophe environnementale en Ukraine depuis Tchernobyl»: c’est ainsi que le gouvernement ukrainien a qualifié l’attaque sur le barrage de Kakhovka. Et pour cause: 18 milliards de tonnes d’eau ont été relâchées, faisant monter le niveau de la rivière de six mètres. Les désastres observés devraient s’étendre sur 5 000 kilomètres: 5 000 kilomètres de terres inondées, dont 11 parcs naturels et 48 zones protégées; 5 000 kilomètres d’organismes en décomposition, de polluants, de métaux lourds et d’engrais, qui iront peut être se déverser jusqu’en mer Noire, où des dizaines de milliers de dauphins ont déjà été retrouvés morts depuis le début du conflit; 450 millions de tonnes d’huile de moteur qui se sont déversées; et, en fin de course, le risque d’un accident à la centrale nucléaire de Zaporijjia, venant réveiller le douloureux souvenir de l’écocide dévastateur de Tchernobyl.

Oui, l’attaque sur le barrage de Kakhovka a causé un écocide. L’enquête ukrainienne s’est d’ailleurs ouverte sur la base de l’article 441 du code pénal ukrainien instituant l’écocide. Alors, je pose la question. L’Ukraine nous a demandé d’accélérer son adhésion à l’OTAN et à l’Union, et nous lui avons répondu. Le gouvernement ukrainien nous a demandé un appui militaire, et nous lui avons répondu. Volodymyr Zelensky nous demande depuis des mois de reconnaître le crime d’écocide, afin de faciliter le jugement des crimes commis par Vladimir Poutine en Ukraine. Or le silence règne. Pourquoi?

  Alexandr Vondra (ECR). – Pane předsedající, dámy a pánové, zaznělo to zde mnohokrát, ale je to třeba opakovat znovu a znovu. Ukrajina bojuje i za nás. A protože bojuje i za nás ve svém statečném boji, tak je naší povinností jí v tomto zápase pomáhat, pomáhat jí vojensky, ekonomicky, politicky i morálně. Blíží se důležitá jednání jak Evropské rady, tak Severoatlantické aliance a Ukrajina potřebuje také perspektivu budoucnosti. Potřebuje nejenom zbraně, které jí správně posíláme, nejenom ekonomickou pomoc, kterou jí dáváme, ale potřebuje i perspektivu, že bude společně s námi jak v Evropské unii, tak v Severoatlantické alianci. A mysleme na to, až se budeme scházet v předvečer prázdnin, a Ukrajinu v tomto smyslu podpořme.

  Thierry Mariani (ID). – Monsieur le Président, le mardi 6 juin, le barrage de Kakhovka a explosé. Le jour même, les commentateurs habituels de ce Parlement ont immédiatement accusé la Russie d’être responsable de ce drame que, bien sûr, à titre personnel, comme vous, je condamne.

À croire que ce Parlement n’a finalement rien appris de son emballement après le sabotage de Nord Stream, dont certains ont accusé immédiatement la Russie. Or, que lit-on désormais dans le Washington Post, par exemple? Que la CIA aurait été informée qu’une telle opération était préparée par les forces ukrainiennes dès juin 2022. Finalement, que comptent trouver les fameuses enquêtes que nos différents pays ont déclenchées? Qu’allons-nous faire des menaces de l’époque contre les responsables de cette attaque contre l’Union européenne? Rien du tout.

En effet, comme le dit votre texte, vous êtes les bons soldats d’une hypothétique communauté euro-atlantique. Or, il n’y a pas de communauté euro-atlantique, ni pour les États membres de l’Union européenne, ni pour l’Ukraine. Les États-Unis et l’OTAN tolèrent les activités de notre Parlement, tant qu’il reste aligné sur les objectifs de Washington. Si, demain, Bruxelles menait une initiative de paix en Ukraine, contraire aux intérêts américains, Washington briserait cette initiative dans la minute. Oui, retrouvons les voies de notre indépendance au niveau européen et essayons de trouver une solution de paix.

  Márton Gyöngyösi (NI). – Elnök Úr! Amikor egy ország újjáépítéséről beszélünk, hajlamosak vagyunk magunk előtt házakat, utakat, hidakat, esetleg gazdasági mutatókat látni. Én azonban abban a politikában hiszek, amelynek a középpontjában az ember, az emberi méltóság áll. Biztos vagyok benne, hogy Oroszország legyőzése után Ukrajnát Európa ugyanolyan példás összefogással fogja támogatni az újjáépítésben, mint ahogy támogatta az önvédelemben a megszállókkal szemben.

De fel vagyunk-e készülve arra, hogy Ukrajnában nem csak az elpusztított infrastruktúrát kell majd újjáépíteni, hanem szétrombolt életeket és lelkeket is? A harcterek borzalmát megélt férfiakat, megerőszakolt nőket, árván maradt gyermekeket, vagyis traumákat hordozó emberek millióit kell majd segítenünk, hogy fel tudják dolgozni azt, amin keresztülmentek, hogy aztán utána egy európai demokratikus társadalmat tudjanak felépíteni, hiszen ez az euro-atlanti csatlakozásnak az egyik fontos feltétele. Ne hagyjuk magára Ukrajnát anyagilag, de ne hagyjuk magára lelkileg sem!

  Sandra Kalniete (PPE). – Priekšsēdētāja kungs! Komisāra kungs! Godātie kolēģi! Kahovkas dambja uzspridzināšana ir briesmīgs kara noziegums, ko Krievija ir pastrādājusi. Taču ziniet, kas ir visbriesmīgākais? Tas, ka pēc šī nozieguma izraisītās milzīgās humanitārās un ekoloģiskās katastrofas Krievijas Domē ir deputāti, kas, uzstājoties Maskavas propagandas raidījumos, aicina uzspridzināt arī Kijivas aizsprostu un noskalot no zemes virsmas Ukrainas galavaspilsētu. Tas ir necilvēcīga naida līmenis, kas valda Krievijā un padara šo atomieroču valsti par draudu cilvēcei.

Tiem naivajiem, kas kara sākumā ticēja, ka tas ir Putina, nevis krievu tautas karš, beidzot ir jāsaprot, ka tas ir krievu vairākuma karš un miers ir iespējams tikai pēc Ukrainas uzvaras. Ukrainas vieta ir Eiropas Savienībā un NATO. Viļņas samitā Ukrainai ir jāsaņem skaidrs plāns, kā un kad tā kļūs par alianses dalībvalsti.

Ukraina ir sākusi pretuzbrukumu, taču uzbrukums bez pietiekama kara aviācijas seguma nostāda Ukrainas armiju nevienlīdzīgas kaujas apstākļos. Tāpēc mums jādara viss iespējamais un neiespējamais, lai Ukraina pēc iespējas ātrāk saņemtu iznīcinātājus, kas dotu sauszemes spēkiem pietiekamu gaisa spēku segumu.

  Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz (S&D). – Panie Przewodniczący! Ukraina i Ukraińcy zasługują na ogromną pomoc w odbudowie kraju. Dzisiaj bronią siebie, ale bronią także nas. Pomoc milionom poszkodowanych to także imperatyw moralny. Wreszcie, gdyby zniszczona Ukraina nie otrzymała nadzwyczajnej pomocy, stałaby się sama źródłem ogromnej destabilizacji w Europie.

Najwspanialsze plany odbudowy będą nic niewarte bez pieniędzy. Na pewno sięgniemy po własne zasoby, ale to nie wystarczy. Istotną część kosztów musi pokryć Rosja. Jednak bez zasadniczej zmiany reżimu trudno sobie wyobrazić, że dobrowolnie zgodzi się dać pieniądze. Tymczasem kraje Zachodu kontrolują bardzo duże kwoty banku centralnego Rosji. Czytam różne ekspertyzy prawne na ten temat. Żadna z nich nie wskazuje sposobu konfiskaty. Wszystkie one popełniają błąd polegający na skupianiu się na prawie wewnętrznym naszych państw, a nie na prawie międzynarodowym. Tymczasem odpowiedź leży właśnie tam. Jest zawarta w Karcie Narodów Zjednoczonych. Bez dostrzeżenia tego będziemy bezradni.

  Dacian Cioloş (Renew). – Mr President, Ms Minister, Mr Vice-President, we should be aware that the reconstruction of Ukraine means in the meantime the preparation for accession of this country to the European Union. And this reconstruction means, of course, investment in a lot of infrastructure.

But let’s not forget some key economic sectors of Ukraine, and the agrifood sector is one of these. We will need to help Ukraine not only to recover the production capacity in the agrifood sector from before the war but also to align the sector to the European Union market and legislation. And, for that, the European Union should be prepared too because we should be prepared to integrate not a simple new member, but a world leader in some crop production with a high potential of development of agrifood sector. And if we are not well prepared, we see the disturbance that we can create from both sides.

So we should start now this preparation, on both sides, not only investing in Ukraine but also reforming our policies, agricultural policies and the other ones, in order to be ready for this complex process.

  Sergey Lagodinsky (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Während in Russland gestern der nationale Feiertag, der Russlandtag, ausgiebig gefeiert wurde, setzte Russland in der Ukraine den Beschuss fort, den Beschuss von freiwilligen Retterinnen und Rettern in kleinen Booten, die Menschen aus dem Überflutungsgebiet retten wollten, Menschen, die nichts anderes wollten, als anderen zu helfen. Allein in einem kleinen Ort gab es drei tote und zehn verletzte Retterinnen und Retter.

Die russische Propagandamaschine versucht, uns im Teufelskreis der gegenseitigen Beschuldigungen zu verfangen. Dabei ist einiges sehr, sehr klar: Ohne die russische Kontrolle gäbe es diese Katastrophe nicht. Ohne die russische Invasion hätte es nicht diese verbrecherische Kontrolle gegeben. Ohne die verbrecherischen Absichten gäbe es diese Toten im Wasser und die Toten unter den Rettenden nicht.

Russland trägt nach Völkerrecht Verantwortung − für alles, was in den besetzten Gebieten passiert, für alles, was in den besetzten Gebieten nicht passiert. Russland trägt Verantwortung für alle Verbrechen gegen Mensch und Natur. Wir müssen die ukrainische Regierung unterstützen. Wir müssen militärische Hilfe verdoppeln und verdreifachen. Und wir müssen diesen Menschen in der Besatzung Hoffnung geben − Hoffnung, dass sie bald Europäerinnen und Europäer werden.

  Zdzisław Krasnodębski (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Jeszcze widzimy, że końca tej wojny nie widać, a już zastanawiamy się, słusznie zresztą, jak będziemy pomagać Ukrainie w odbudowie. I nie wątpię, że nie zabraknie potencjału gospodarczego i chętnych do inwestycji. Pytam się jednak, czy gotowi jesteśmy do tego politycznie, by nie popełniać dawnych błędów?

Czytam książkę „Die Moskau-Connection: Das Schröder-Netzwerk und Deutschlands Weg in die Abhängigkeit”. Zadaję sobie pytanie, czy Niemcy już uwolniły się od tej zależności, skoro wiele postaci wymienianych w tej książce jest nadal czynnych w niemieckiej polityce? O innym kraju Unii czytam w Politico i Die Welt, że jest to alpejska twierdza Putina oraz Ein Land in Putins Ketten. Nie jest to żaden z krajów, o których koledzy zazwyczaj tak się martwią w Parlamencie Europejskim. Nie mieliśmy o nim ani jednej debaty. A szkoda.

Ten Parlament oburza się, że chcemy w Polsce powołać komisję, by zbadać wpływy rosyjskie na politykę naszego kraju. Może powinien raczej domagać się, by takie komisje powstały w innych krajach, bo przecież błędna polityka wobec Rosji to jedna z przyczyn, które umożliwiły jej agresję. Zanim zaczniemy odbudowywać Ukrainę, warto spytać, kto i dlaczego przyczynił się do tego, że została zniszczona.

  Heléne Fritzon (S&D). – Herr talman! Kommissionen och rådet. Rysslands krig mot Ukraina pågår fortfarande, men det innebär inte att vi ska skjuta diskussionerna om Ukrainas återuppbyggnad på framtiden. Tvärtom – vi måste redan nu forma det arbete och de insatser som kommer att krävas den dagen.

Attacken mot Nova Kachovka-dammen har resulterat i förödande översvämningar som tvingar folk på flykt, och förstörelsen riskerar att få allvarliga – både humanitära och miljömässiga – konsekvenser.

Vi socialdemokrater har sedan kriget bröt ut arbetat hårt för att stärka Ukrainas motståndskraft. Vi har krävt särskilda krafttag för att skydda kvinnor och barn som drabbas hårdast av kriget, bland annat ett barnskyddspaket.

Vi måste fortsätta stödja Ukraina i både ord och handling, och vi måste bidra till återuppbyggnaden, där grunderna för ett fritt och hållbart Ukraina, som kan ta konkreta steg mot sitt framtida EU-medlemskap, ska stå högst på dagordningen.

  Ilhan Kyuchyuk (Renew). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, Minister, colleagues, illegal occupation, annexation, full-scale invasion, terrorist acts and now ecocide is a small part of daily life of innocent Ukrainian citizens.

The destruction of the Nova Kakhovka dam would disrupt the lives of thousands of people, leading force displacements, loss of homes and the breakdown of essential infrastructure. The environmental impact would be catastrophic, and we urgently need to provide the International Atomic Energy Agency with full access to the Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant in order to check for possible discrepancy, which would have impact beyond Ukrainian borders.

Russia’s act is a red line for us not to stop our support to Ukraine and for the Euro-Atlantic integration. It is already clear for everyone that the brave people of Ukraine are winning this war. We owe them not just our admiration and words of solidarity, but full-fledged support for reconstruction and development.

  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). – Señor presidente, quiero empezar yo también mi intervención condenando el ataque ruso a la presa de Nueva Kajovka. Este ataque ha provocado una catástrofe medioambiental y humanitaria sin precedentes, y es una muestra más de la brutalidad de la agresión rusa y de su total falta de escrúpulos. Pero quiero referirme a otros puntos que van a ser objeto de la Resolución que votaremos.

Me parece que lo más urgente e imprescindible es seguir ayudando a Ucrania, también con armas y municiones, para que haga frente con éxito a la agresión rusa y para asegurar la supervivencia del país. Ucrania vive momentos que parecen decisivos y debemos preparar el paquete global de recuperación, como pide la Resolución que vamos a votar.

También es importante reforzar las sanciones a Rusia y conseguir que efectivamente se cumplan, y evitar que terceros países le ayuden a eludirlas. Sé que el Consejo está en ello.

Por último, la adhesión de Ucrania a la Unión Europea debe seguir sus pasos, sin perjuicio de las reformas institucionales que aconseja la ampliación a los países balcánicos y al este de Europa.

  Tiemo Wölken (S&D). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Mit der Zerstörung des Staudamms erleben wir eine weitere Eskalation durch Putins Truppen. Ein weiteres schreckliches Kriegsverbrechen direkt in unserer Nachbarschaft, das zu der humanitären Katastrophe durch diese Überschwemmung auch noch eine Umweltkatastrophe herbeiführt.

Mindestens 150 Tonnen Maschinenöl aus dem Kraftwerk sind ausgetreten und verschmutzen den Fluss. Es gibt weitere Verschmutzung durch überflutete Tankstellen, Chemiebetriebe und Kläranlagen, die das Gebiet für lange Zeit unbewohnbar machen. Zwei Nationalparks im Delta des Flusses wurden zerstört, die Fischpopulation im Reservoir verendet elendig. Durch den Verlust des Reservoirs gehen die Wasservorräte für die Landwirtschaft zurück und damit werden weite Teile der landwirtschaftlichen Fläche unnutzbar. Die Trinkwasserversorgung für die Menschen ist gefährdet und tatsächlich auch die Kühlung des Kernkraftwerks Saporischschja.

Es ist ein weiterer schrecklicher Auswuchs dieses imperialistischen Wahns. Deswegen müssen wir als Gemeinschaft, als Europäische Union, weiterhin die Ukrainerinnen und Ukrainer unterstützen und dafür Sorge tragen, dass diese Umweltverbrechen aufgeklärt werden.

  Barry Andrews (Renew). – Mr President, Vice President, colleagues, I want to focus on the aspect of this debate, which is around the humanitarian response, because one of the issues that we have consistently got wrong in the overall humanitarian response is the failure to directly fund local Ukrainian humanitarian organisations. Less than 10 % of all humanitarian funding has gone directly to Ukrainian humanitarian organisations. This is despite the fact that these are the organisations with the closest ties to the community. They can operate quickly. They can operate in a culturally appropriate manner, and they take the greatest risks.

Of the 140 humanitarian workers that died in 2021, all but two were national staff. I believe profoundly that Ukraine is part of our European family, the Euro-Atlantic community and the European Union. And I also believe that we should at least trust them to lead the humanitarian response.

  Александър Александров Йорданов (PPE). – Г-н Председател, следвоенното възстановяване на Западна Европа започна с денацификация и декомунизация. За да е успешно възстановяването на Украйна, е необходимо тази страна да се дерусифицира. Милиардите, които ще се вложат в нея, не трябва да достигат до руски компании или до лица, свързани с Русия. Не трябва да се появява нов Шрьодер в Европа.

Същевременно трябва да намерим инструментите, които да принудят Русия да плати цената за агресията. Процесът на възстановяване на Украйна, трябва да приемем, че още дълго време ще води до студена война с Русия, до блокада и изолиране на Русия във всички сфери. И нещо много важно, опитът от процесите на разширяване на Европейския съюз показа категорично, че присъединяването към НАТО трябва да предхожда членството в Европейския съюз, защото членството в Алианса означава гаранция за сигурност, а без сигурност няма истинско ... (председателят отнема думата на оратора)

  Raphaël Glucksmann (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, le pari de Vladimir Poutine est que nous nous habituerons à ses crimes. Le pari de Vladimir Poutine est que nous serons trop tentés par un retour au business as usual. Alors, montrons-lui qu’il ne peut pas y avoir, qu’il n’y aura pas de retour au business as usual, que les compromissions sont finies, qu’est fini aussi le sacrifice de la souveraineté des nations en échange de contrats gaziers, qu’est fini ce droit de veto accordé à Moscou sur le destin de ses voisins.

J’ai encore en tête le sourire fier d’Angela Merkel et de Nicolas Sarkozy au sommet de Bucarest, en 2008, quand ils ont obtempéré aux demandes de Moscou et sacrifié le plan d’action pour l’adhésion à l’OTAN de l’Ukraine et de la Géorgie. Le résultat de cet acte, qui a été commis pour ne pas froisser Moscou, ce sont les tanks qui ont déferlé sur la Géorgie et sur Tbilissi.

À chaque fois que nous avons cherché à apaiser le tyran, il a avancé plus loin. Alors, désormais, nous devons reconstruire cette paix sur des bases claires. Chaque pays est libre de choisir son destin et a l’Union européenne à ses côtés pour son intégration dans la famille euro-atlantique.

  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Mr President, as we enter the 465th day of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, our support and commitment to the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine remain firm and unwavering. The ongoing intensity of this conflict reminds us of the challenges faced every day by Ukraine and its people.

I condemn Russia’s destruction of the Nova Kakhovka dam, which has displaced thousands of civilians and caused a humanitarian crisis and also brought menace and nuclear danger to Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant. This not only constitutes a violation of international law, but also has caused an environmental catastrophe that will leave long—term consequences in the region. I welcome the help of the EU civil protection mechanism, which serves around the world as a true ambassador of EU values. We help with solidarity. Russian public diplomacy is distraction and that. While the EU is already contributing substantially to help Ukraine’s ongoing resilience, it is clear that more support will be needed in the future to rebuild the country. The country will always have ...

(The President cut off the speaker)

  Marek Belka (S&D). – Mr President, we would like to begin the process of reconstruction of Ukraine as soon as possible. And, of course, it’s very difficult to imagine this while the Russian army is still occupying part of Ukraine.

Can we do something now? Yes, we can. Three things come to my mind. First, which is proceeding, we should proceed with a stable and concrete accession path of Ukraine to the EU and broad international reforms, which go along with this programme. Second, we should push on fighting corruption and creating a stable legal environment for private capital. Third, we should promise a drastic reduction of Ukraine’s international debt, which is needed to make any modernisation plan a reality. Let us make all this happen.

Catch-the-eye procedure

  Liudas Mažylis (PPE). – Gerbiama Pirmininke. Susprogdindama Kachovkos užtvanką, Rusija įvykdė nehumanišką, amoralų, nusikalstamą veiksmą. Tokiais ir panašiais veiksmais Rusija seniai peržengė bet kokias sveiko proto ribas. Taikūs žmonės priversti gyventi apsemtose teritorijose be daugelio gyvybiškai būtinų resursų. Vanduo, apie kurio stygių plačiai pasisakoma iš Jungtinių Tautų tribūnų, ir kurio tiekimas Ukrainoje susidurdavo su problemomis dar iki Rusijos nusikalstamo karo pradžios, paleistas nutekėti į Juodąją jūrą, pakeliui dar apsemdamas ir didžiulius sausumos plotus. Sutrinka vandens tiekimas ir į Zaporižios atominę elektrinę, dar padidėja ir taip jau didelė avarijos tikimybė, sumažės grūdų derlius, o slūgstant vandeniui, lieka kenksmingas dumblas, nešmenys. Ir galima tik daryti prielaidas, kiek milijardų žalos padaryta gamtai. Gresia masinis žuvų, paukščių ir faunos maras. Tam tinka terminas ekocidas, kurio mastas nematytas Europoje ilgus dešimtmečius. Už tai Rusijai tenka sunki atsakomybės našta.

  Domènec Ruiz Devesa (S&D). – Señor presidente, se ha dicho que la voladura de la presa de Nueva Kajovka constituye una catástrofe ecológica y humanitaria y, en mi opinión, es también un síntoma de la desesperación de las fuerzas armadas rusas que, ante el inicio de la contraofensiva de primavera por parte de Ucrania, han recurrido a este crimen de guerra para tratar de sostener sus defensas.

Esto nos recuerda que tenemos que seguir prestando todo el apoyo militar y armamentístico a Ucrania para que esta contraofensiva sea exitosa. Al mismo tiempo, tenemos que avanzar con las sanciones. Es fundamental aprobar el undécimo paquete de sanciones y, sobre todo, establecer sanciones secundarias para que terceros países no puedan ayudar a Rusia a eludir nuestras sanciones.

  Michal Wiezik (Renew). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, Rusko pácha na Ukrajine terorizmus a ekocídu. Zničenie priehrady Nova Kachovka uvoľnilo masu vody, ktorá brala majetky, životy, pohlcovala znečisťujúce látky a odvádzala ich do Čierneho mora, znehodnocovala poľnohospodársku pôdu a ničila chránené územia. Biodiverzita a životné prostredie celej oblasti je tak zásadne ohrozené. Táto katastrofa, ekocída a tisícky ďalších zločinov proti prírode by sa nestali, nebyť ruskej invázie a okupácie ukrajinského územia. Pevne verím, že sa dočkáme dňa, kedy sa za tieto činy proti ľuďom a prírode bude Putinov režim spravodlivo zodpovedať. Na nápravu environmentálnych škôd musíme zabezpečiť silný akčný plán a podporu zo strany Európskej únie. Obnova Ukrajiny bez obnovy jej úžasných ekosystémov a životného prostredia nebude možná.

  Mónica Silvana González (S&D). – (inicio de la intervención fuera de micrófono) ... de la solidaridad europea y en concreto la ayuda humanitaria hemos estado desde el principio de esta terrible guerra. Hemos sido capaces de atender las necesidades de Ucrania sin desatender otras grandes crisis olvidadas. Pero esta crisis se está prolongando y se necesitan acciones a medio y a largo plazo tras la terrible situación de este ecocidio que se ha producido.

La ayuda humanitaria necesita más dinero. Necesita financiación innovadora y nuevas fuentes de financiación para atender las necesidades. Por ejemplo, es necesaria la incorporación del sector privado con mecanismos de seguimiento y control. También se necesitan estos mecanismos para que los Estados miembros cumplan las contribuciones a las que se comprometen y respeten la obligatoriedad en las contribuciones de manera proporcional. También hay que utilizar los derechos especiales de giro —como se lleva pidiendo desde hace muchos años— para paliar estas necesidades, así como los fondos confiscados.

Ucrania es un buen ejemplo donde abordar el triple nexo: la ayuda humanitaria, el desarrollo y la construcción de paz al mismo tiempo.

  Billy Kelleher (Renew). – Mr President, Nova Kakhovka dam is just an indication of what has been happening since 24 February 2022, when Russia invaded, and an illegal occupation, since when there have been catastrophic accounts of destruction, of targeting civilians, of mass graves, of butchering, of pillage and of rape. So the idea that we could even be surprised that Putin and his cronies and the Russian army would blow up a dam and flood tens of thousands of hectares and destroy homes and the ecology of parts of Ukraine is not something that we should be surprised with.

What we need is an immediate humanitarian response. But overall, we need to ensure that we increase the sanctions on Russia, that we seize assets wherever we can from his oligarchs and the cronies and the Russian state itself, wherever appropriate and possible under international law. Because these crimes must be held to account in court. But more importantly, from the point of view of the people of Ukraine, the infrastructure must be repaired and rebuilt in the short, medium and longer term to allow the Ukrainians to continue to exist in their own lands.

  Mick Wallace (The Left). – Mr President, the damage to Ukraine is devastating. Towns and cities that endured for hundreds of years do not exist anymore. We must recognise that these towns, cities and surrounding lands were long being stolen by local oligarchs colluding with global financial capital. This theft quickened with the onset of the war in 2014. The pro-Western government opened the doors wide for massive structural adjustment and privatisation programs spearheaded by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the IMF and the World Bank. Zelenskyy used the current war to concentrate power and accelerate the carpet fire sale. He banned opposition parties that were resisting deeply unpopular reforms to the laws restricting the sale of land to foreign investors. Over 3 million hectares of agricultural land are now owned by companies based in Western tax havens. Ukraine’s mineral deposits alone are worth over USD 12 trillion. Western companies are licking their lips. What are the working class people...

(The President cut off the speaker)

  Juozas Olekas (S&D). – Gerbiamas Pirmininke, gerbiamas Komisijos nary, mieli kolegos. Kiekvieną kartą svarstydami Ukrainos ateitį, mes turime suprasti, kad svarstome Europos ateitį, nes be stabilios ilgalaikės taikos Ukrainoje nebus stabilios ir ilgalaikės taikos Europoje. Kiekviena uždelsta diena mums suteikia naujų faktų apie brutalią Rusijos agresiją Ukrainoje. Jeigu mes anksčiau matėme tik panaudojamą karinę ginkluotę, tai dabar matome tokius teroristinius aktus kaip užtvankų sprogdinimas ir didelių teritorijų užtvindymas. Todėl mes turime remti Ukrainą ne tik ginkluote, remti finansiškai, bet taip pat nubausti agresorių ir sudaryti labai aiškią perspektyvą Ukrainos narystės Europos Sąjungoje ir NATO. Manau, kad šį rudenį mes turime pradėti derybas dėl Ukrainos narystės Europos Sąjungoje ir pakvietimą suteikti dėl jos perspektyvos NATO. Taip pat turime sustiprinti...

(posėdžio pirmininkas iš kalbėtojos atima žodį)

  Γεώργιος Κύρτσος (Renew). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η ευρωπαϊκή βοήθεια προς την Ουκρανία πρέπει να είναι άμεση, τεράστια και με προοπτική. Έχουμε αποφασίσει πολλά και καλά. Πρέπει να γίνουμε πιο γρήγοροι και συνεπείς.

Ενισχύοντας την ανοικοδόμηση της Ουκρανίας, στέλνουμε τρία μηνύματα. Τα εκατομμύρια των Ουκρανών που εγκατέλειψαν την πατρίδα τους σε αναζήτηση ασφάλειας θα μπορέσουν να επιστρέψουν πιο γρήγορα σε μια χώρα που απέκτησε μέσα σε ένα χρόνο επτά εκατομμύρια επιπλέον φτωχούς λόγω της ρωσικής εισβολής. Στεκόμαστε στο πλευρό αυτών που έχουν ανάγκη. Τέλος, θα υποστηρίξουμε την Ουκρανία μέχρι να δικαιωθεί ο αγώνας της.

Ο Πούτιν σέβεται μόνο τη δύναμη, γι’ αυτό πρέπει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να κάνει στο συγκεκριμένο θέμα επίδειξη οικονομικής ισχύος.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

  Valdis Dombrovskis, Komisijas priekšsēdētājas izpildvietnieks. – Priekšēdētāja kungs! Godātā prezidentūra! Godātie deputāti!

Many thanks for this debate today. I am happy to see so many supporters of Ukraine.

It’s clear that we must support Ukraine as much as we can towards victory. This is the only way to end Russia’s brutal war and ensure that Europeans are safe from this aggressor.

The EU supports Ukraine’s peace formula for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine that respect Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders.

I will keep your input from today’s debate for the long-term reconstruction efforts to Ukraine strongly in mind when I go to London next week to the Ukraine Reconstruction Conference on 21 June.

The EU will stay with Ukraine for as long as it takes. This also means significant financial trade and humanitarian support. The main political support for Ukraine is that the EU has already granted the candidate country status for Ukraine. I would be happy to see next steps made in this direction in the autumn.

Ukraine belongs to the EU. The future of Europe is with Ukraine as a Member State. Slava Ukraini! Long live Europe!

  Jessika Roswall, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, honourable Members, Vice President, let me again thank you for keeping support to Ukraine on top of your agenda. It sends a clear signal to the Russian regime we will stand by with Ukraine for as long as it takes. The EU will support Ukraine today in their defence and tomorrow in the rebuilding and reconstruction. The latter will be a monumental task and require joint effort with partners, including civil society and the private sector. I also reassure you that we are working with Ukrainian authorities to provide immediate relief also through our Union Civil Protection Mechanism, on which EU member states responded immediately to Ukrainian needs and are sending in-kind support. The union has remained united, which is clearly stated during this debate. We have delivered support to Ukraine to a level that many thought would have thought impossible one year ago. Sanctions, military support through the European Peace Facility, temporary protection for Ukrainian refugees and unprecendented financial and legal support and humanitarian aid. All this has been possible because we displayed extraordinary unity. Our unity will continue to help us in working closely with Ukraine and supporting their efforts to fully meet the conditions for Euro-Atlantic integration.

Our objective is for Russia and its proxies to end the end the aggression and withdraw the troops from the entire territory of Ukraine, for Ukraine to be allowed to flourish as a vibrant, secure European democracy. This is what Ukraine wants and what Putin fears the most.

Against this backdrop, let me conclude by saluting Ukraine for the impressive reform progress undertaken to this end despite Russian war. And thank you for your attention and for the debate. As the Vice-President said, this debate shows the strong support that we have, all of us, for Ukraine.

  Sēdes vadītājs. – Kopīgās debates ir slēgtas.

Esmu saņēmis 6 rezolūciju priekšlikumus, kas iesniegti saskaņā ar Reglamenta 132. panta 2. punktu, lai noslēgtu debates par Ukrainas ilgtspējīgu rekonstrukciju un integrāciju eiroatlantiskajā kopienā.

Balsošana notiks ceturtdien, 2023. gada 15. jūnijā.

Rakstiskas deklarācijas (171. pants)

  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. – Rusija ir toliau tęsia agresiją Ukrainoje bei vykdo karo nusikaltimus. Buvo įvykdytas teroristinis aktas prieš itin svarbų infrastruktūros objektą ir tai sukėlė didžiulio mąsto humanitarinę krizę. Kremliaus režimas ir toliau nusiteikęs sunaikinti Ukrainą, todėl itin svarbu išlaikyti Ukrainą politinės darbotvarkės viršūnėje. Kitą mėnesį Vilniuje vyks NATO viršūnių susitikimas, kuris yra itin svarbus ir nuo kurio priklausys, kokia kryptimi pakryps karas Ukrainoje bei Ukrainos ateitis. Labai svarbu susitarti dėl Ukrainos narystės NATO, kas leistų pasiųsti aiškią žinią Kremliui, jog demokratinis pasaulis yra kartu su Ukraina ir kad Ukrainos vieta yra su Vakarais. Gerbiami kolegos, Ukrainos žmonės nusipelno ateities kartu su mumis, kartu su demokratiją ir laisvę ginančiu pasauliu.

  Andrea Bocskor (NI), írásban. – Ukrajna lakossága lassan másfél éve szenved a háború borzalmaitól, és sajnos egyre nagyobb veszteségeket, szörnyűségeket kell átélnie, ahogyan most a Nova Kahovka-i gát felrobbantásával járó katasztrófa következményeit is. Több ezer Herszon megyei ember kényszerült elhagyni otthonát, akik a borzalmas háború ellenére eddig kitartottak szülőföldjük mellett. Több tucat ember vesztette életét, több millió ember vízellátása került veszélybe, és a mezőgazdaság is katasztrofális károkat szenvedett, hiszen ezzel Ukrajna és Európa legnagyobb öntözőrendszerének vízforrása apadt el, továbbá a Kahovkai tározó partjai évtizedekig élhetetlenné válnak.

Elmondható, hogy Csernobil óta nem történt ilyen mértékű környezeti katasztrófa az országban! Egyelőre nehéz felmérni, hogy mekkora a kár, milyen mértékben került szennyezőanyag a vizekbe, és remélhetőleg elkerülhetjük az újabb tragédiát, és a Zaporizssja Atomerőmű hűtése nem okoz majd gondot az annak hűtésére szolgáló hűtőmedencében fellépő vízcsökkenés miatt, hiszen annak vízellátása a Kakhovkai víztározótól függött. Mi, magyarok, együttérzünk a sorscsapást elszenvedőkkel. S Magyarország - az alaptalan vádakkal ellentétben - ismét elsők közt sietett az árvíz sújtotta ukrán lakosság megsegítésére.

Magyarország a kezdetektől kiáll Ukrajna területi integritása és szuverenitása mellett, elítéli az orosz agressziót és minden olyan cselekedetet, amely emberek millióinak okoz szenvedést. Mi továbbra is a béke pártján állunk, mivel a békével ez a tragédia is elkerülhető lett volna!

  Janina Ochojska (PPE), na piśmie. – Nikt nie ma wątpliwości że, wojna prowadzona przez Rosję z Ukrainą ma na celu przede wszystkim zniszczenie kraju i jego ludności. Od ponad roku słyszymy o celowych atakach na budynki mieszkalne, szpitale czy miejsca w których schronienia poszukuje cywilna ludność. Celowe wysadzenie tamy w Nowej Kachowce to kolejny bezwzględny atak na bezbronną ludność cywilną, ale również na środowisko w tym zwierzęta, które desperacko próbowali ratować właściciele i służby ratownicze. Szacuje się, że bezpośrednio zagrożonych po zniszczeniu zapory było 42 tysiące mieszkańców regionu. Wielu straciło życie, domy, zapasy żywności i dostęp do wody pitnej. Ewakuację ludności dodatkowo utrudniały rosyjskie ostrzały. Z biegiem czasu woda opadła, pokazując ogrom zniszczeń i skalę kryzysu humanitarnego, z którym mierzą się służby i organizacje pozarządowe pomagające na miejscu. Ile jeszcze musi się wydarzyć, abyśmy zrozumieli, że wolna i bezpieczna Ukraina to pokój i stabilność całego naszego kontynentu. Dlatego powinniśmy otworzyć przed Ukrainą możliwość starania się o członkostwo we wspólnocie transatlantyckiej i pomóc jej w jego osiągnięciu.

  Christine Schneider (PPE), schriftlich. – Die Sprengung des Kachowka-Staudamms ist ein Kriegsverbrechen und es hat die größte menschengemachte Umweltkatastrophe in Europa seit Jahrzehnten ausgelöst. Neben dem unfassbaren Leid, das die ukrainischen Bürgerinnen und Bürger tagtäglich erleiden müssen, steht das gebeutelte Land jetzt auch noch vor dreckigem, ölverschmutztem Wasser, das Ortschaften, Felder und Wälder überflutet. Ich unterstütze die Forderung, dass der russische Diktator Wladimir Putin zur Verantwortung gezogen werden muss und begrüße, dass der Internationale Strafgerichtshof in Den Haag einen Haftbefehl gegen den russischen Präsidenten erlassen hat.

(Sēde tika pārtraukta plkst. 10.29.)

PRESIDENZA: ROBERTA METSOLA
President