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Audiencias parlamentarias de los futuros comisarios: Un paso decisivo en el proceso de investidura

23-09-2019

Las audiencias de los futuros miembros de la Comisión Europea ante las comisiones del Parlamento Europeo son un elemento necesario para informar al Parlamento y que este decida si da su aprobación (o no) al Colegio propuesto. Cada comisionario propuesto comparecerá en una audiencia única ante una o varias comisiones parlamentarias tras responder a un cuestionario escrito y presentar su declaración de intereses. En las audiencias anteriores, los principales puntos críticos fueron la falta de conocimiento ...

Las audiencias de los futuros miembros de la Comisión Europea ante las comisiones del Parlamento Europeo son un elemento necesario para informar al Parlamento y que este decida si da su aprobación (o no) al Colegio propuesto. Cada comisionario propuesto comparecerá en una audiencia única ante una o varias comisiones parlamentarias tras responder a un cuestionario escrito y presentar su declaración de intereses. En las audiencias anteriores, los principales puntos críticos fueron la falta de conocimiento especializado de algunos candidatos sobre su cartera, la escasa concreción de sus respuestas y su reticencia a asumir compromisos, la existencia de posibles conflictos de intereses en relación con la cartera asignada y las dudas acerca de la integridad del candidato. Desde la investidura de 2004, el Parlamento ha utilizado su papel en el nombramiento de la Comisión para presionar a favor de la sustitución de algunos candidatos controvertidos y para forzar ajustes en determinadas carteras, aunque sólo puede rechazar o aceptar al Colegio en su conjunto. Si bien algunos expertos advierten de la excesiva politización de las audiencias, otros acogen con satisfacción que la Comisión sea responsable en mayor medida ante el Parlamento y ven la creciente relación política entre ambas instituciones como un paso hacia una mayor democratización del proceso de toma de decisiones en la Unión. Las audiencias se han convertido en algo esencial en la función de control del Parlamento a la Comisión y están adquiriendo importancia como medio para que el Parlamento asuma un papel más importante en la definición de la agenda a nivel de la Unión. El presente documento es una versión actualizada y ampliada del briefing de 2014 a cargo de Eva-Maria Poptcheva.

Nepal, Bhutan and their neighbours: Two Himalayan countries landlocked between India and China

05-04-2019

Nepal and Bhutan are two poor landlocked Himalayan countries, sandwiched between a democracy and an authoritarian one-party state: India and China. After an authoritarian past, during the last decade, they have begun reforms in order to switch towards a democratic model. After a long and complicated path, Nepal succeeded in adopting a new constitution in 2015. Its first post-constitution government is run by an alliance of communist parties. In Bhutan, the king has successfully steered the country ...

Nepal and Bhutan are two poor landlocked Himalayan countries, sandwiched between a democracy and an authoritarian one-party state: India and China. After an authoritarian past, during the last decade, they have begun reforms in order to switch towards a democratic model. After a long and complicated path, Nepal succeeded in adopting a new constitution in 2015. Its first post-constitution government is run by an alliance of communist parties. In Bhutan, the king has successfully steered the country towards democratisation, as confirmed by the October 2018 general elections. While historically the two countries have nurtured solid relations with India, in recent years Beijing has expanded its footprint in the region considerably, challenging Delhi's traditional sphere of influence and increasing its sense of encirclement. In 2017 this led to a crisis referred to as the 'Doklam Plateau standoff'. There is currently a window of opportunity for Nepal and Bhutan to diversify their economic and security partnership and to rebalance their foreign policies between their two big neighbours. The EU has been supporting the two countries on their democratic journey and tripled resources for both countries' development for the 2014-2020 period. As they are among the world's poorest countries, Nepal and Bhutan benefit from the EU's 'Everything But Arms' scheme, which grants full duty free and quota free access to the EU single market for all products.

Aplicación del Acuerdo de Asociación UE-Ucrania

05-12-2018

Cuatro años después de la firma del Acuerdo de Asociación UE-Ucrania (AA) y del Acuerdo de Libre Comercio de Alcance Amplio y Profundo (ALCAP), y dos años después de su plena entrada en vigor, el Parlamento está evaluando actualmente su aplicación. El informe de la Comisión de Asuntos Exteriores celebra una serie de desarrollos positivos en Ucrania, pero también señala varias deficiencias. El Parlamento debatirá esta cuestión en su sesión plenaria de diciembre.

Cuatro años después de la firma del Acuerdo de Asociación UE-Ucrania (AA) y del Acuerdo de Libre Comercio de Alcance Amplio y Profundo (ALCAP), y dos años después de su plena entrada en vigor, el Parlamento está evaluando actualmente su aplicación. El informe de la Comisión de Asuntos Exteriores celebra una serie de desarrollos positivos en Ucrania, pero también señala varias deficiencias. El Parlamento debatirá esta cuestión en su sesión plenaria de diciembre.

Democratic Transition and Linguistic Minorities in Estonia and Latvia

16-05-2018

Upon request by the PETI Committee, the Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs commissioned this in-depth analysis on Democratic Transition and Linguistic Minorities in Estonia and Latvia. The writer claims that in order to understand the situation of political representation rights of ethnic and linguistic minorities in Estonia and Latvia it is essential to provide a historical-political framework that contextualizes the presence of such substantial minorities in the ...

Upon request by the PETI Committee, the Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs commissioned this in-depth analysis on Democratic Transition and Linguistic Minorities in Estonia and Latvia. The writer claims that in order to understand the situation of political representation rights of ethnic and linguistic minorities in Estonia and Latvia it is essential to provide a historical-political framework that contextualizes the presence of such substantial minorities in the two countries and justifies the type of relationship existing with the majority of nation holder. He also suggests that from one side, full integration is the goal that needs to be pursued, while at the same time it's important to ensure the cultural and national values of Latvians and Estonians.

Autor externo

Angela DI GREGORIO

Zimbabue: ¿el comienzo de una nueva era?

31-01-2018

Tras la dimisión forzada del presidente Robert Mugabe el 21 de noviembre de 2017, después de 37 años en el poder, el nuevo presidente, Emmerson Mnangagwa, juró el cargo el 24 de noviembre de 2017. Desde entonces, el presidente Mnangagwa ha manifestado su compromiso con las elecciones libres y justas y su voluntad de luchar contra la corrupción y de volver a participar en la comunidad internacional para atraer inversión extranjera y revitalizar la economía.

Tras la dimisión forzada del presidente Robert Mugabe el 21 de noviembre de 2017, después de 37 años en el poder, el nuevo presidente, Emmerson Mnangagwa, juró el cargo el 24 de noviembre de 2017. Desde entonces, el presidente Mnangagwa ha manifestado su compromiso con las elecciones libres y justas y su voluntad de luchar contra la corrupción y de volver a participar en la comunidad internacional para atraer inversión extranjera y revitalizar la economía.

Tunisia: Progress achieved and prospects for the social dimension

30-11-2017

In 2011, following the outbreak of protests – known as the Jasmine Revolution – which toppled President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's regime, Tunisia embarked on a path to democratic transition and socio-economic transformation, emulating the reforms and governance practices of established liberal democracies. Nearly eight years on, the country has made significant progress, including in the social sphere, and has emerged as a regional leader in institutional reform. However, to avoid jeopardising the ...

In 2011, following the outbreak of protests – known as the Jasmine Revolution – which toppled President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's regime, Tunisia embarked on a path to democratic transition and socio-economic transformation, emulating the reforms and governance practices of established liberal democracies. Nearly eight years on, the country has made significant progress, including in the social sphere, and has emerged as a regional leader in institutional reform. However, to avoid jeopardising the stability and progress achieved, further reforms are needed.

EU support to democracy and good governance in Africa

17-11-2017

Support to democracy, good governance and human rights is a central component of EU cooperation with Africa, and of EU development aid to the continent, under the different frameworks shaping relations with African countries, such as the ACP framework for Sub-Saharan Africa, the Neighbourhood Policy for North Africa, and the Africa-EU Joint Strategy for cooperation at continental level. EU support is all the more important as democracy in many African countries is recent and still fragile. Democratic ...

Support to democracy, good governance and human rights is a central component of EU cooperation with Africa, and of EU development aid to the continent, under the different frameworks shaping relations with African countries, such as the ACP framework for Sub-Saharan Africa, the Neighbourhood Policy for North Africa, and the Africa-EU Joint Strategy for cooperation at continental level. EU support is all the more important as democracy in many African countries is recent and still fragile. Democratic progress has had its ups and downs on the African continent since the 1990s wave of democratisation. On the whole, the number of free countries has stagnated, and progress on good governance indicators has been slow. Popular support for democratic systems in African countries remains however high, justifying EU efforts to promote democracy. The EU has a vast array of tools at its disposal. It has used the conditionality enshrined in its bilateral agreements to respond to serious political crises, particularly in Africa. EU budget support, which is vital to several African countries, has been subject to similar democratic and human rights conditionality. EU development aid includes an important component supporting good governance and rule of law. The EU has become an important partner in election observation and democracy assistance, and most of Africa has received EU missions. However, whether these tools of democracy support can make a significant difference remains a complicated issue. Much depends on conditions on the ground and the willingness of the partner governments to make progress. As the EU is about to redefine its priorities for cooperation with the African continent, democracy and good governance are acknowledged as a central pillar of resilience, strongly interlinked with peace and stability.

The state of implementation of the associations and free trade agreements with Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova with a particular focus on Ukraine and systemic analysis of key sectors

16-11-2017

Signing and ratifying Association Agreements with Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine has proven to be an impressive affirmation of Brussels’ soft power. The EU’s overtures have persuaded elites and mobilised societies despite the fact that the Agreements come neither with a membership promise nor with the kind of financial assistance that has been given to the EU’s new member states. EU assistance has been effective in restoring macro-financial stability in all three countries. While costs of compliance ...

Signing and ratifying Association Agreements with Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine has proven to be an impressive affirmation of Brussels’ soft power. The EU’s overtures have persuaded elites and mobilised societies despite the fact that the Agreements come neither with a membership promise nor with the kind of financial assistance that has been given to the EU’s new member states. EU assistance has been effective in restoring macro-financial stability in all three countries. While costs of compliance with the DCFTA were calculated, level of investment associated with the necessary modernisation to make these economies competitive were neglected. The discrepancy between costs and benefits should prompt the EU to be more flexible. Brussels’ achievements remain fragile. Informal interests continue to play important roles in these countries and have the potential to thwart reforms. In the absence of strong, de-politicised institutions, the EU should work to support political consolidation—the alternative is further polarisation and political fragility—while at the same time insisting on adherence to democratic standards and strengthened institutional checks and balances.

Autor externo

Iulian GROZA; Balazs JARABIK (coordinator); Jana KOBZOVA; Dr. Viktor KONSTANTYNOV; Tsovinar KUIUMCHIAN; Leonid LITRA; Tornike SHARASHENIDZE; Isaac WEBB

Development Cooperation Instrument

13-10-2017

The Development Cooperation Instrument (DCI) is the main financial instrument in the EU budget for funding aid to developing countries, and as such complements the European Development Fund, which is outside the EU budget. The primary objective of the DCI is to alleviate poverty, but it also contributes to other international priorities of the EU such as the UN's post-2015 Development Agenda; sustainable economic, social and environmental development; and the promotion of democracy, the rule of law ...

The Development Cooperation Instrument (DCI) is the main financial instrument in the EU budget for funding aid to developing countries, and as such complements the European Development Fund, which is outside the EU budget. The primary objective of the DCI is to alleviate poverty, but it also contributes to other international priorities of the EU such as the UN's post-2015 Development Agenda; sustainable economic, social and environmental development; and the promotion of democracy, the rule of law, good governance and respect for human rights.

Kyrgyzstan's 2017 presidential election

09-10-2017

On 15 October 2017, Kyrgyz voters go to the polls. Despite worrying signs of backsliding into authoritarianism, the country is still the most democratic in Central Asia and the result is far from a foregone conclusion. The two main candidates are Sooronbai Jeenbekov, an ally of incumbent president Almazbek Atambayev, and his younger rival, Omurbek Babanov.

On 15 October 2017, Kyrgyz voters go to the polls. Despite worrying signs of backsliding into authoritarianism, the country is still the most democratic in Central Asia and the result is far from a foregone conclusion. The two main candidates are Sooronbai Jeenbekov, an ally of incumbent president Almazbek Atambayev, and his younger rival, Omurbek Babanov.

Socios