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The United States and the Western Balkans

17-11-2017

The United States has contributed greatly to the post-war reconstruction of the Western Balkans and remains a key player. While the region is not as high on the US foreign policy agenda as in the 1990s, the USA has consistently shown commitment to its Euro-Atlantic integration. US engagement is seen as crucial in this historically volatile region, weakened by unresolved past and emerging challenges.

The United States has contributed greatly to the post-war reconstruction of the Western Balkans and remains a key player. While the region is not as high on the US foreign policy agenda as in the 1990s, the USA has consistently shown commitment to its Euro-Atlantic integration. US engagement is seen as crucial in this historically volatile region, weakened by unresolved past and emerging challenges.

Ukraine-NATO partnership in a time of crisis

30-06-2016

Sandwiched between Russia to the east and an expanding NATO to the west, Ukraine's relations with NATO are closely interlinked with the country's ties to Russia – and Russia's relations with NATO. Ukraine's NATO aspirations remain a key sticking point in this tense geopolitical situation. Please click here for the full publication in PDF format

Sandwiched between Russia to the east and an expanding NATO to the west, Ukraine's relations with NATO are closely interlinked with the country's ties to Russia – and Russia's relations with NATO. Ukraine's NATO aspirations remain a key sticking point in this tense geopolitical situation. Please click here for the full publication in PDF format

Montenegro: Towards full NATO membership

07-06-2016

In May 2016, Montenegro signed its accession protocol with NATO, entering the final phase of becoming its 29th member. Although joining NATO has long been a strategic priority for the Montenegrin government, the issue is far from uncontroversial. Low public support in the country and the threat of Russian counter-measures remain major challenges to be addressed.

In May 2016, Montenegro signed its accession protocol with NATO, entering the final phase of becoming its 29th member. Although joining NATO has long been a strategic priority for the Montenegrin government, the issue is far from uncontroversial. Low public support in the country and the threat of Russian counter-measures remain major challenges to be addressed.

Workshop on "Market Economy Status for China after 2016?"

16-03-2016

Section 15 of China’s Protocol of Accession to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) allows importing WTO members to determine, under their national law, whether China is considered to be a market economy for the purpose of price comparability and of calculating dumping margins. Some provisions of this section expire on 11 December 2016, leaving uncertainty as to how China should be treated in antidumping investigations thereafter. The European Parliament’s Committee on International Trade (INTA) organised ...

Section 15 of China’s Protocol of Accession to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) allows importing WTO members to determine, under their national law, whether China is considered to be a market economy for the purpose of price comparability and of calculating dumping margins. Some provisions of this section expire on 11 December 2016, leaving uncertainty as to how China should be treated in antidumping investigations thereafter. The European Parliament’s Committee on International Trade (INTA) organised a workshop jointly with the Policy Department of the Directorate-General for External Policies in order to hear the views of different academic experts on both the legal and the economic implications.

Autore esterno

Bernard O'CONNOR, Jean-François BELLIS, Robert SCOTT and Maurizio ZANARDI

Meno di un anno alla scadenza: si accende il dibattito sullo status di economia di mercato (SEM) della Cina

17-12-2015

Lo status di economia di mercato (SEM) – termine tecnico impiegato nelle inchieste antidumping – è salito al vertice dell'agenda internazionale generando accesi dibattiti sulla questione se a breve la Cina otterrà o no questo riconoscimento. Pechino sostiene che i propri documenti di adesione all'Organizzazione mondiale del commercio (OMC) prevedano l'acquisizione automatica del SEM dopo l'11 dicembre 2016. Per molti altri membri dell'OMC, invece, il testo in questione – la sezione 15 del protocollo ...

Lo status di economia di mercato (SEM) – termine tecnico impiegato nelle inchieste antidumping – è salito al vertice dell'agenda internazionale generando accesi dibattiti sulla questione se a breve la Cina otterrà o no questo riconoscimento. Pechino sostiene che i propri documenti di adesione all'Organizzazione mondiale del commercio (OMC) prevedano l'acquisizione automatica del SEM dopo l'11 dicembre 2016. Per molti altri membri dell'OMC, invece, il testo in questione – la sezione 15 del protocollo di adesione della Cina – è soggetto a interpretazione. La questione è delicata per una serie di motivi. Dal punto di vista giuridico, l'UE deve garantire che le sue norme siano compatibili con quelle dell'OMC. Tuttavia, gli aspetti economici del problema sono complessi – e potenzialmente radicali per settori rilevanti dell'economia dell'Unione. La capacità dell'UE di garantire parità di condizioni tra i suoi prodotti industriali e le importazioni provenienti dalla Cina dipende dalla sua abilità di controbilanciare i prezzi eccessivamente bassi delle importazioni cinesi oggetto di dumping, e gli strumenti antidumping che l'Unione può attivare a tale scopo dipendono dal SEM della Cina. La questione ha ramificazioni anche politiche, e può indubbiamente incidere sul rapporto dell'Unione con gli altri paesi. In generale, l'UE sarebbe avvantaggiata se potesse contare su una valutazione più accurata di quanto non sia stato fatto finora, sul contributo del Parlamento europeo in materia e su un approccio maggiormente coordinato con i principali partner commerciali.

Energy Community: Prospects and challenges

08-10-2015

The Energy Community Treaty (ECT) was signed in 2005. Its principal objective is to expand the EU internal energy market to neighbouring countries ('Contracting States') that are willing to adopt the EU energy acquis. The Energy Community (EnC) includes a permanent secretariat based in Vienna and a set of decision-making institutions. The Ministerial Council meets annually and makes all key strategic decisions. Detailed preparatory work is carried out by the Permanent High-Level Group, which meets ...

The Energy Community Treaty (ECT) was signed in 2005. Its principal objective is to expand the EU internal energy market to neighbouring countries ('Contracting States') that are willing to adopt the EU energy acquis. The Energy Community (EnC) includes a permanent secretariat based in Vienna and a set of decision-making institutions. The Ministerial Council meets annually and makes all key strategic decisions. Detailed preparatory work is carried out by the Permanent High-Level Group, which meets more frequently. The EnC Secretariat is responsible for monitoring, assisting and enforcing implementation of the energy acquis in the Contracting States. The EU institutions strongly support the objectives of the Energy Community (EnC), and the European Commission plays a lead role in its decision-making processes. Yet shortcomings have been identified in the way that EnC institutions currently operate, with weak implementation of the energy acquis among several Contracting States and inadequate tools for enforcement. Questions have also been raised about the potential membership of the EnC, whether it should be widened and made more flexible. A high-level group was commissioned to look into improving the governance structures of the EnC and delivered its report in May 2014; this was followed by a detailed stakeholder consultation in early 2015. Some decisions on the functioning of the EnC may be taken at the next Ministerial Council in Tirana on 16 October 2015.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

26-06-2015

With China, Russia, and four Central Asian states – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan – as its founding members, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is one of the world's biggest regional organisations in terms of population represented. To date, the SCO has largely concentrated on regional non-traditional security governance and specifically its fight against regional terrorism, ethnic separatism and religious extremism. But the SCO Charter sets out a broad range of other ...

With China, Russia, and four Central Asian states – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan – as its founding members, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is one of the world's biggest regional organisations in terms of population represented. To date, the SCO has largely concentrated on regional non-traditional security governance and specifically its fight against regional terrorism, ethnic separatism and religious extremism. But the SCO Charter sets out a broad range of other objectives and areas of cooperation, which go far beyond security concerns and thus bear great potential for further regional integration. The SCO's main achievement thus far is to have offered its members a cooperative forum to balance their conflicting interests and to ease bilateral tensions. It has built up joint capabilities and has agreed on common approaches in the fight against terrorism, separatism and extremism. However, major shortcomings, such as institutional weaknesses, a lack of common financial funds for the implementation of joint projects and conflicting national interests have prevented the SCO from achieving a higher level of regional cooperation in other areas. A first expansion in SCO membership – expected for July 2015 – driven by new security threats, geostrategic considerations, energy security and the economic interests of current SCO members, is likely both to raise the SCO's regional and international profile and present new challenges.

State and Development of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE)

01-04-1993

Summary of the development of the CSCE from 1972 to 1990, describing its structure and methods of work while stressing the institutionalization in terms of organization since the Paris Charter. The analytical part concentrates on the CSCE's crisis mechanisms and the prospects for its development.

Summary of the development of the CSCE from 1972 to 1990, describing its structure and methods of work while stressing the institutionalization in terms of organization since the Paris Charter. The analytical part concentrates on the CSCE's crisis mechanisms and the prospects for its development.

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